Ulazak Richarda i Bolingbrokea u London

Ulazak Richarda i Bolingbrokea u London


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Henrik IV

Naši urednici će pregledati ono što ste podnijeli i odlučiti trebate li izmijeniti članak.

Henrik IV, također nazvan (1377–97) grof od Derbyja ili (1397–99) vojvoda od Hereforda, imenom Henry Bolingbroke ili Henrik od Lancastera, (rođen u travnju? 1366., dvorac Bolingbroke, Lincolnshire, Engleska-umro 20. ožujka 1413., London), engleski kralj od 1399. do 1413., prvi od tri monarha iz 15. stoljeća iz kuće Lancaster. Krunu je stekao uzurpacijom i uspješno učvrstio svoju vlast pred ponovljenim ustancima moćnih velikaša. Međutim, nije uspio prevladati fiskalne i administrativne slabosti koje su pridonijele konačnom padu dinastije Lancastrian.

Henry je bio najstariji preživjeli sin Ivana od Gaunta, vojvode od Lancastera, od svoje prve žene, Blanche. Prije nego je postao kralj, bio je poznat kao Henry Bolingbroke, a od svog je rođaka Richarda II dobio titule grofa od Derbyja (1377) i vojvode od Hereforda (1397). Tijekom prvih godina vladavine kralja Richarda II (vladao 1377–99), Henry je ostao u pozadini dok je njegov otac vodio vladu. Kad je Gaunt 1386. otišao na ekspediciju u Španjolsku, Henry je ušao u politiku kao protivnik krune. On i Thomas Mowbray (kasnije prvi vojvoda od Norfolka) postali su mlađi članovi skupine od pet oporbenih vođa - poznatih kao lordovi žalitelji - koji su 1387–89 zabranili Richardove najbliže suradnike i prisilili kralja da se podredi njihovoj dominaciji. Richard je upravo preuzeo prednost kada se Gaunt vratio da pomiri kralja s neprijateljima. Bolingbroke je zatim otišao u križarski rat u Litvu (1390) i Prusku (1392). U međuvremenu, Richard nije oprostio svoje prijašnje neprijateljstvo. Godine 1398. kralj je iskoristio svađu između Bolingbrokea i Norfolka kako bi protjerao oba čovjeka iz kraljevstva. Zauzimanje lankastrijskih posjeda od strane krune nakon smrti Ivana od Gaunta (veljača 1399.) oduzelo je Henryju nasljedstvo i dalo mu izgovor da napadne Englesku (srpanj 1399.) kao prvak plemstva. Richard mu se predao u kolovozu za vrijeme Bolingbrokeove vladavine jer je kralj Henry IV počeo kada je Richard abdicirao 30. rujna 1399. godine.

Henrik IV je iskoristio svoje podrijetlo od kralja Henrika III (vladao 1216–72) kako bi opravdao svoju uzurpaciju prijestolja. Ipak, ta tvrdnja nije uvjerila one magnate koji su nastojali potvrditi svoju vlast na trošak krune. Tijekom prvih pet godina svoje vladavine, Henryja je napao strašan niz domaćih i stranih neprijatelja. Ugušio je urotu Richardovih pristaša u siječnju 1400. Osam mjeseci kasnije velški zemljoposjednik Owain Glyn Dŵr podigao je pobunu protiv ugnjetavajuće engleske vladavine u Walesu. Henry je vodio brojne besplodne ekspedicije u Wales od 1400. do 1405., ali je njegov sin, princ Henry (kasnije Henry V), imao veći uspjeh u ponovnoj uspostavi kraljevske kontrole nad regijom. U međuvremenu, Owain Glyn Dŵr poticao je domaći otpor prema Henryjevoj vladavini udružujući se s moćnom obitelji Percy - Henryjem Percyjem, grofom od Northumberlanda i njegovim sinom Sir Henryjem Percyjem, zvanim Hotspur. Kratak ustanak Hotspura, najozbiljniji izazov s kojim se Henry susreo tijekom svoje vladavine, završio je kada su kraljeve snage ubile pobunjenika u bitci kod Shrewsburyja u Shropshireu u srpnju 1403. Godine 1405. Henry je imao Thomasa Mowbraya, najstarijeg sina prvog vojvode od Norfolka , i Richard Scrope, nadbiskup Yorka, pogubljen zbog urote s Northumberlandom kako bi podigli novu pobunu. Iako su najgore Henryjeve političke nevolje prošle, on je tada počeo patiti od nevolje za koje su njegovi suvremenici vjerovali da su gubavci - možda je to bio urođeni sifilis. Brzo potisnuta pobuna, koju je 1408. vodio Northumberland, bila je posljednji oružani izazov Henryjevoj vlasti. Kroz te se godine kralj morao boriti protiv prodora Škota na granicu i spriječiti sukobe s Francuzima, koji su pomagali velškim pobunjenicima 1405. -2006.

Za financiranje ovih vojnih aktivnosti, Henry je bio prisiljen osloniti se na parlamentarne potpore. Od 1401. do 1406. Parlament ga je više puta optuživao za loše fiskalno upravljanje i postupno je stjecao određene ovlasti za uspostavljanje presedana u pogledu kraljevskih izdataka i imenovanja. Kako se Henryjevo zdravlje pogoršavalo, u njegovoj se upravi razvila borba za moć između njegovog miljenika Thomasa Arundela, nadbiskupa Canterburyja i frakcije na čelu s Henryjevom polubraćom Beaufort i princom Henryjem. Potonja skupina istjerala je Arundela s kancelara početkom 1410., ali su oni, pak, pali s vlasti 1411. Henrik je tada sklopio savez s francuskom frakcijom koja je ratovala protiv prinčevih burgundskih prijatelja. Zbog toga je napetost između Henrika i princa bila velika kad je Henry potpuno onesposobljen krajem 1412. Umro je nekoliko mjeseci kasnije, a princ je uspio kao kralj Henry V.


Vaš vodič kroz Seljačku bunu#8217 1381

U proljeće 1381. skupina pobunjenika krenula je prema Londonu, napadajući kuće i gradove na svom putu da se suoče s tinejdžerskim kraljem Richardom II. Povjesničarka Helen Carr istražuje što se dogodilo i odgovara na ključna pitanja o epizodi poznatoj kao Seljačka buna, od razloga nemira do identiteta Wat Tylera

Ovo natjecanje je sada zatvoreno

Objavljeno: 28. travnja 2021 u 19:45

Kada je bila seljačka buna?

Seljačka buna dogodila se između 30. svibnja i 15. lipnja 1381. godine.

Što se dogodilo u Seljačkoj buni?

Ustanak je započeo u okruzima Kent i Essex, a odatle je pao snijeg dok su obje pobunjeničke skupine marširale prema Londonu, napadajući gradove i sela u hodu. Posebno su ciljali domove plemstva, pa čak i napadali utvrde poput dvorca Rochester, gdje su pustili sve zatvorenike koji su bili unutra. U Canterburyju su zahtijevali da se nadbiskup - kojeg su vidjeli kao poticatelja njihovog ugnjetavanja - zamijeni.

Dok su marširali, pobunjenici su prikupili ogromnu podršku, dijelom zbog straha - prijetili su da će uništiti ljudske domove ako im se ne pridruže - ali i zbog kolektivnog gnjeva protiv vlade. Stigli su do Londona oko 11. lipnja i napali predgrađa grada poput Lambeth -a, gdje su uništili ogromne količine državnih zapisa.

Richard II, koji je u vrijeme pobune imao samo 14 godina, poslao je poruku pobunjenicima tražeći razlog njihove bijesne reakcije na krunu i dužnosnike zemlje. Prema Anonimalle Chronicle, odgovorili su da je to njihova želja "spasiti ga i uništiti izdajice njega i kraljevstva". Richard je pristao čuti njihove pritužbe na Blackheathu sljedećeg dana, uoči Tijelova (12. lipnja). Kako je postalo jasno da pobunjenička sila - koja je iz dana u dan rasla - predstavlja prijetnju kraljevoj sigurnosti, Richard se sklonio u londonski Tower zajedno sa prestravljenim blagajnikom Robertom Halesom i nadbiskupom Canterburyja Simonom Sudburyjem meta su bili i muškarci.

Vremenska crta Seljačke bune: što se dogodilo kada?

Studeni – prosinac 1380. | Parlament u Northamptonu dogovara treći porez u četiri godine.

30. svibnja 1381. | Neredi počinju u Kentu i Essexu.

7. lipnja 1381. | Wat Tyler imenovan je vođom pobunjenika u Kentu.

7–12. Lipnja 1381. | Pobunjenici marširaju prema Londonu kroz Rochester i Canterbury.

12. lipnja 1381. | Pobunjenici traže ulazak u londonski City.

13. lipnja 1381. | Richard susreće pobunjenike u Rotherhitheu, ali ubrzo bježi. Savojska palača je uništena.

14. lipnja 1381. | Richard se s pobunjenicima sastaje na Mile Endu i prvi put pristaje na njihove uvjete. U međuvremenu, pobunjenici provaljuju u londonski Tower i pogubljuju Simona Sudburyja i Roberta Halesa.

15. lipnja 1381. | Richard ponovno susreće pobunjenike u Smithfieldu i poziva ih da odu. William Walworth, gradonačelnik Londona, bori se protiv Tylera i ubija ga. Kad je Tyler mrtav, Richard jaše naprijed i kaže pobunjenicima da idu kući, a njihovi će zahtjevi biti saslušani.

23. lipnja 1381. | Richard II povlači sve povelje koje su dogovorene s Wat Tyler.

5. srpnja 1381. | Počinje pacifikacija pobunjenika i naređuju se pogubljenja.

13. srpnja 1381. | John Ball je zarobljen. Nakon što mu je suđeno za izdaju, obješen je, izvučen i raščetvoren 15. srpnja 1381. godine.

Dok se Richardova teglenica približavala Rotherhitheu kako bi se sastala s maršama, suočio se s tisućama naoružanih pobunjenika - zastrašujući prizor. S jedne strane rijeke bilo je 50.000 pobunjenika iz Kenta, a s druge strane, još 60.000 iz Essexa. Nespremni za tako masovni sukob, kraljevi vijećnici zamolili su Richarda da se povuče - i kraljevska je barka pobjegla.

Pobunjenici su bili bijesni, a Richardov užurbani odlazak samo je dodao ulja na vatru. Dana 13. lipnja krenuli su s nanošenjem najveće štete koja je viđena u njihovoj dosadašnjoj kampanji, uništavajući imovinu - najznačajnije, Savojsku palaču Ivana od Gaunte, trećeg sina preminulog Edwarda III i ujaka sadašnjeg kralja Richard II. Ubili su i strane ljude - posebno Flamance - i one odjevene u livreju, montirajući svoje odsječene glave na šiljke.

Richard je na kraju pristao ponovno se sastati s pobunjenicima kako bi čuo njihove uvjete na Mile Endu, ali kad je napustio londonski Tower, grupa pobunjenika je ušla unutra. Odvukli su Simona Sudburyja i Roberta Halesa iz Tower -a, zajedno s bratom Williamom Appleton, liječnik u službi Johna Gaunta. Svi su muškarci brutalno pogubljeni na Tower Hillu. Preživio je jedan, međutim mladi Henry iz Bolingbrokea, Gauntov sin, koji je navodno bio skriven u ormaru dok su pobunjenici jurišali na Tower. (Da je uhvaćen, malo je vjerojatno da bi ikada postao kralj Henrik IV. 18 godina kasnije.)

Na kraju, na drugom sastanku 15. lipnja u Smithfieldu, pobuna je prestala nakon svađe između jednog od njezinih vođa, Wat Tylera, i gradonačelnika Londona Williama Walwortha. Nakon okršaja, Walworth je ubio Tylera, a pobunjenici su se raspali, da bi ga potom progonili i napravili primjer u sljedećim tjednima i mjesecima.

Tko su bili vođe Seljačke bune?

John Ball i Wat Tyler bili su najpoznatiji vođe pobune.

Ball, socijalistički svećenik, opisan je u Anonimalle Chronicle kao "kapelan zle naravi". On je bio svećenik i proročka ličnost za pobunjenike, izjavljujući im da je "sada vrijeme koje im je Bog dao". Ball ih je savjetovao s uvjerenjem da "nema zločinaca, ne džentlmena, već da svi možemo biti ujedinjeni i da lordovi ne budu veći gospodari od nas".

'Watt Teghler' proizašao je iz frakcije pobunjenika u Kentu kao glava pobune. Bio je keramičar kuća i predstavljao je radnike koji su sudjelovali u pobuni. Postojao je i drugi vođa po imenu Jack Straw, iz Suffolka, ali spekulira se o njegovoj ulozi, pa čak i da su on i Tyler ista osoba. Važno je zapamtiti da se, unatoč nazivu pobune, nisu pobunili samo 'seljaci', ovo je netočan opis pobunjenika. Bilo je članova svećenstva, bivših vojnika, zemljoposjednika, žena, ovršitelja kao i kmetova ili 'seljaka', svi su zahtijevali pravdu i jednakost.

Što je izazvalo seljačku pobunu?

Podrijetlo pobune leži u parlamentu održanom 1380. u Northamptonu. Napetosti su već bile velike između Ivana Gaunta i građana Londona, nakon što je zaprijetio londonskom biskupu i uključio se u gradske i trgovačke poslove. Zbog toga je parlament bio održan u Northamptonu, a ne u Westminsteru.

Ovdje je postalo jasno da je kruna u nesigurnom financijskom stanju. Francuzi i Španjolci zastrašili su obalu, a hitno su bila potrebna sredstva za obranu zemlje i važnih vojnih garnizona poput Calaisa. Odlučeno je da će se morati uvesti još jedan porez - a radničke klase morale bi snositi najveći teret. Porez je povećan na tri puta veći od normalnog iznosa, tri žita za svaku osobu stariju od 15 godina.

U početku se to trebalo sakupljati u dva vala: prvi u rano proljeće i drugi u ljeto. No, blagajnik Robert Hales zalagao se za jedinstvenu, brutalnu zbirku. To je neizbježno rezultiralo sukobima i zlostavljanjem - postoje čak i dokazi o kolekcionarima koji su istraživali nevinost mladih djevojaka. Na kraju se suočio s tolikom reakcijom da je bilo poznato da sudski ovršitelji bježe iz gradova ili čak odbijaju naplatiti u strahu za svoje živote.

Formalnija reakcija započela je u gradu Brentwoodu u Essexu, jer su ljudi prijetili kolekcionaru, Johnu Bamptonu, koji je za život pobjegao u London.

Što su 'seljaci' učinili u Seljačkoj buni?

Frakcija Kent, predvođena Wat Tylerom, zapalila je bordel koji vode flamanske žene na London Bridgeu. Nakon što su primljeni u grad, okupili su još novaka i upali u zatvor Fleet, hram i posjed gospodara bolnice sv. Ivana u Farringdonu.

Najveću štetu koju su napravili u Londonu nanijela je palači Savoy, domu Ivana od Gaunta, koji je bio jedna od njihovih glavnih meta. Na sreću Gaunta, tada nije bio kod kuće i umjesto toga je pregovarao sa Škotima u Berwicku. Iako su pobunjenici ciljali Gaunta, on zapravo nije sudjelovao u povećanju poreza, jer je tijekom parlamenta 1380. bio na putu južno od Škotske i stigao je tek nakon što je dogovor dogovoren. Međutim, ovo je bila obična prilika Londona da se osveti za njegovo postupanje s njima u prošlosti.

Veći dio štete nanesene tijekom pobune napravili su oportunisti. Londonski pobunjenici provalili su u Savoju i formirali lomaču Gauntovih stvari, zapalivši ogroman pakao. Svrha uništenja bila je pokazati bogatima granice njihove moći, ali neki pobunjenici nevjerni stvari pokušali su napuniti džepove. Dok su se pokušavali iskrasti opterećeni bogatstvom, suvremenici su ih potukli i odmah pogubili jer nisu ostali vjerni cilju.

Kako je nastala šteta u Velikoj dvorani, skupina od 30 -ak pobunjenika krenula je istraživati ​​u podrume, gdje su naišli na Gauntovu zalihu vina. Oduševljeni njihovim otkrićem, priredili su zabavu i sve se više opijali. U međuvremenu su dvije bačve izvaljene na lomaču u dvorani. Vjerovalo se da su bačve napunjene zlatom. No, zapravo, bili su ispunjeni barutom koji je, nakon što se zapalio, razderao palaču, srušivši zidove i potpuno uništivši zgradu. Na užas pobunjenika, lomača je eksplodirala u peći koja se mogla vidjeti po cijelom Londonu.

Ova vrsta uništenja bila je tipična za pobunu. No postojala je i ljudska cijena. Strani ljudi su uhvaćeni i ubijeni, osobito Flamanci koji su bili blisko povezani s višekanalnom trgovačkom mrežom (stoga povezani s trgovačkim bogatstvom). Prema Annonimalle Chronicle, objavljen je proglas u kojem se navodi da bi svi koji bi mogli staviti ruke na "Flamance ili bilo koje druge strance iz drugih naroda mogli odsjeći glave". Pretpostavlja se da je na različitim mjestima ubijeno oko 150 ili 160 stranaca. Posebno varvarski napad rezultirao je time da je 35 flamanskih ljudi izvučeno iz crkve sv. Martina u vinariji, te im je odrubljena glava na istom bloku.

Istu je sudbinu doživjela i jedna nova osoba koja je nosila lankastrijansku livreju - u vezi s Gauntom. Zbirka glava na šiljcima učinila bi zastrašujući spektakl prestravljenim gledateljima. Najznačajnije žrtve bila su dva kraljeva vijećnika, Simon Sudbury i Robert Hales. Obojici je odrubljena glava, a Sudbury je pretrpio osam krvavih udaraca prije nego što mu je glava konačno odsječena od tijela.

Kakav je bio rezultat? Je li seljačka buna promijenila nešto?

Nakon smrti Wat Tylera 15. lipnja, pobunjenici su se razišli na zahtjev kralja.

No, to nije bilo gotovo, a Richard je želio dati primjer pobunjenicima. Preostali su kolovođe lovljeni i pogubljeni. Richard je posjetio Essex gdje je započeo ustanak i naredio pacifikaciju svog naroda. Ustanci su ugušeni izvan Londona, a norwicki biskup Henry Despenser preuzeo je na sebe da pogubi pobunjenike u svojoj domeni, bez suđenja.

Nakon pobune, vlada je bila oprezna oko nametanja daljnjih poreza i odlučeno je da će ratni napori zemlje morati biti štedljivi, a ne tražiti više prilika.

Ivan od Gaunta nikada nije obnovio svoju palaču i njegova se osobna situacija dramatično promijenila. Ostao je ranjiv i u strahu za život, a živio je pod zaštitom Škota (koji su još uvijek bili neprijatelji krune). Čak je i prekinuo svoju dugogodišnju ljubavnu ljubav sa svojom ljubavnicom Katherine Swynford, zbog animoziteta prema njemu tijekom pobune. Općenito, smatralo se da je mir na području prioriteta nakon seljačke bune.

Je li seljačka buna okončala feudalizam?

Pobuna nije okončala feudalizam, ali je utrla put njegovom padu. U desetljećima koja su slijedila, bilo je sve manje ljudi koji su bili vezani za svoje gospodare u kmetstvu, a vlasnici zemljišta su se bojali da će njihovi radnici ustati protiv njih. To je pak dovelo do poštenijeg postupanja prema radničkoj klasi, a njihove plaće - koje su bile ograničene nakon Crne smrti - bile su manje regulirane.

Kako je seljačka buna promijenila kralja Richarda II?

Nakon smrti Wat Tylera, Richard je hrabro i impulzivno dojahao do pobunjenika i stao pred njih. Rekao im je da odu svojim kućama, da je pobuna gotova. Obavio je ulogu dobroćudnog kralja, milostiv prema svom narodu i naredio im da mirno odu. Zakleo se da će udovoljiti njihovim željama i da im neće nauditi.

Ovo je bio veliki i odlučujući trenutak u njegovom ranom kraljevanju i potvrdio je njegov osjećaj vlastite važnosti. Sve do ovog trenutka uvelike se oslanjao na svog ujaka, Ivana od Gaunta, i vodstvo svojih vijećnika, ali nakon 1381. Richard je počeo djelovati svojom voljom i svojom voljom. To samopouzdanje, arogancija i osjećaj prava doveli su do još jedne pobune, njegovih vlastitih gospodara, koja bi na kraju okončala njegovu vladavinu.


Ulazak Richarda Iija i Bolingbrokea u London, nakon slike

Ovaj je dogovor već toliko nizak da ne ispunjava uvjete za dodatne popuste/kupone.

Ulazak Richarda Iija i Bolingbrokea u London, nakon slike Jamesa Northcotea. Richard Ii, 1367. reproduciran je na vrhunskom teškom papiru koji bilježi sve žive boje i detalje originala. Ukupna veličina papira je inči, a veličina slike je inči. Ovaj ispis je spreman za vješanje ili uokvirivanje.

  • Potpuno novo i valjano i spremno za prikaz ili uokvirivanje
  • Naslov tiska: Ulazak Richarda Iija i Bolingbrokea u London, nakon slike Jamesa Northcotea. Richard Ii, 1367
  • Veličina papira: inči
  • Vrsta proizvoda: ispis fotografija
  • Umjetnik: Ken Welsh / Design Pics
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  • Procijenjena isporuka 23. lipnja - 28. lipnja
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Izabela od Valoisa, engleska kraljica

Stogodišnji rat započeo je 1337. godine engleski kralj Edward III, djed kralja Richarda II. Neprestane borbe uzimale su danak u Engleskoj i Francuskoj. I kralj Richard i francuski kralj Charles VI tražili su primirje, ako ne i potpuni prekid neprijateljstava. Richardova supruga, Anne od Češke umrla je 1394. godine i za njega je imalo smisla oženiti se francuskom princezom kako bi učvrstilo svaki sporazum. Razgovori su započeli ubrzo nakon Annine smrti o braku između Richarda i princeze Isabelle od Valoisa.

Izabela od Valoisa rođena je 9. studenog 1389. u pariškom Louvru. Bila je najstarije dijete francuskog kralja Charlesa VI i bavarske kraljice Isabeau. Kralj Charles patio je od napada ludila koji su se možda dogodili za neke strašne trenutke za mladu princezu. Kraljica Isabeau držala je svoju malu djecu blizu sebe sve dok ih nisu odvikli od dojilje. Kad je napuštala Pariz, mnogo je puta vodila djecu sa sobom. Kad je kraljica bila odvojena od svoje djece, posjećivala ih je i donosila im darove i pisala im pisma.

Dokument postoji iz 1404. godine koji prenosi sporazum između kraljice Isabeau i Celestines de Notre-Dame de Paris o izgradnji vrata koja sebi i djeci omogućuju pristup vrtovima i vinogradima reda, kao i crkvi i samostanu za bogoslužje, kao i za zadovoljstvo. Možemo samo zamisliti Isabellu i njezine sestre kako lutaju i igraju se u ovim ugodnim vrtovima.

Isabeau je svojim kćerima kupila knjige s bogoslužjem pokazujući njezin interes za njihovo obrazovanje. Unos u njene račune ukazuje na to da je Isabella kupila male metlice i zlatni mlin s biserima. Ostale kupnje za Isabellu i njezine sestre uključivale su kućne ljubimce, papige i grlice, rođendanske poklone, igračke i odjeću. Iako Isabellin odgoj do udaje možda nije bio idealan zbog očeve bolesti, čini se da se njezina majka trudila osigurati dane ispunjene uobičajenim zanimanjima i obrazovanjem iz djetinjstva.

1394., kad je Isabella imala pet godina, voljena prva žena engleskog kralja Richarda II Anne od Češke umrla je od kuge. Ubrzo nakon toga, Richard je krenuo u kampanju u Irsku. Već su stizale ponude za nove mladenke za Richarda od kralja Aragona, vojvode od Bavarske i kralja Škota. Francuski Charles VI želio je spriječiti savez sa Španjolskom i održati mir između Francuske i Engleske. Charlesov ujak, vojvoda od Burgundije, također je htio ojačati svoj autoritet u Flandriji štiteći svoje trgovačke odnose s Engleskom. U svibnju 1395. Charles je poslao izaslanike u Irsku da predlože brak sa svojom kćeri Isabellom. Charles je naručio raspravu Philippea de Mezièresa u kojoj su navedene sve prednosti braka. Mezières je tvrdio da bi, imajući kontrolu nad Isabellom tako rano u njezinu životu, Richard mogao obrazovati i oblikovati je kako želi.

U ljeto 1395. Richard je poslao nadbiskupa Dublina, grofa maršala i nekoliko drugih u Pariz na pregovore. Kad je grof maršal upoznao Isabellu, upitao ju je što misli o odlasku u Englesku i oženiti kralja. Kroničar Froissart izvještava je kako je rekla da bi bila sretna “Jer rečeno mi je da ću tada biti velika dama”.

Richardovi izaslanici tražili su od kralja Charlesa dva milijuna zlatnih franaka kao Izabelin miraz. Iznos je dogovoren do osamsto tisuća franaka uz predujam od tri tisuće. Ako je utakmica prekinuta, Francuzi bi bili odgovorni platiti Englezima tri milijuna franaka, a Charles je bio dužan platiti Isabellovo putovanje u Calais, posljednju luku u Francuskoj prije nego što je otplovila u Englesku. Ako je Isabella umrla prije svoje trinaeste godine, Richard se trebao oženiti jednim od njezinih rođaka, vjerojatno jednom od njezinih sestara i zadržati četiri stotine tisuća franaka. Ako bi Richard umro prije nego što je Isabella imala dvanaest godina, ona bi primila petsto tisuća franaka i doversku nagodbu od 6.666 funti godišnje. Svaki dragulj koji je posjedovala trebao je biti vraćen u Francusku sa njom. U Isabellinom trousseauu bile su lutke obrubljene srebrnim priborom.

Dana 9. ožujka 1396. sklopljeno je dvadeset osmogodišnje primirje između Engleske i Francuske, a tri dana kasnije u Sainte-Chappelleu u Parizu sklopljen je punomoćni brak. U listopadu su Isabella i njezin otac napustili Pariz s velikom pratnjom, a do 26. listopada sreli su Richarda u Ardesu. Nekoliko dana kasnije, Isabella, odjevena u plavu haljinu i krunu ukrašenu draguljima, poklonila se Richardu dok ju je ljubio. Otac ju je službeno predao Richardu na skrb.

Engleski kralj Richard II sjedi na krunidbenoj stolici

Ovo je bilo prvo Richardovo formalno međunarodno veleposlanstvo i nijedna strana nije htjela da druga pokaže van. Tu je bio grad šatora sa sagrađenim paviljonima za monarhe. Ravnomjeran tok raskošnih darova prolazio je između paviljona i Richard je nosio svoju najekstravagantniju modu. Taj će se prikaz ponoviti za vrijeme vladavine kralja Henrika VIII i kralja Franje I stotinjak godina kasnije na Polju od zlatnog platna. Cijeli je spektakl Richarda koštao između deset tisuća i petnaest tisuća funti, no smatralo se da je taj trošak vrijedan jer je isticao njegov kraljevski ugled.

Na dan Svih svetih, Izabella je u nosiljci od zlatnog platna odnesena u crkvu svetog Nikole u Calaisu na ceremoniju vjenčanja. Isabella je predana na brigu vojvotkinjama Gloucestera, Eleanor de Bohun i Lancaster, Katherine Swynford. Ostatak bračnog djetinjstva provela bi između njihova dva domaćinstva. Isabella je imala i svoju francusku guvernantu, Margaret de Courcy.

Dva dana kasnije Richard i Isabella otplovili su prema Engleskoj. Neki su brodovi na putu olupljeni. Sletjeli su u Dover, a zatim su putovali kroz Rochester i Canterbury do Elthama gdje su zastali kako bi čekali Isabellin ulazak u London. Kad je Isabella stigla u London, došlo je do strašne gomile ljudi na mostu između Southwarka i Kenningtona, a nekoliko je ljudi ubijeno.

3. siječnja 1397. Izabella je prije krunidbe provela noć u londonskom Toweru. 4. siječnja jahala je u povorci pred damama i vitezovima u crvenim haljinama s bijelom značkom svog muža. Upoznala je Richarda u Westminsteru i okrunjena je sljedeći dan. Uslijedila su dva tjedna slavlja i turnira. Kao što se dogodilo s brakom Richarda s Anom od Češke, ljudi su gunđali zbog troškova postupka. Izabela je smatrana neprikladnom mladenkom za njihovog kralja zbog svoje mladosti i nemogućnosti da uskoro osigura nasljednika. Također, mnogi plemići bili su protiv primirja s Francuskom i braka, a Isabella je od nekih od njih primila bezobrazan prijem.

Zbog Izabeline mladosti, naredne tri godine nije imala nikakav politički utjecaj. Isabella i Richard hodočastili su u Canterbury u veljači 1397., a bili su zajedno za vrijeme Božića 1397. u Lichfieldu i prisustvovali otvaranju Parlamenta u siječnju 1398. u Shrewsburyju. Ubrzo nakon toga Richard, koji je prije bio u političkim problemima sa svojim plemićima i svojim rođakom Henryjem Bolingbrokeom, postajao je sve tiraniji i paranoičniji. Poslao je Bolingbrokea u egzil i pokrenuo kaznu "zadovoljstva" kršeći Magna Cartu. Uplatio je tisuće funti prisilnim zajmovima i njegov je dvor postao sve veličanstveniji.

Dok se sve to odvijalo, Isabella je većinu vremena provodila u Elthamu pod tutorstvom Margaret de Courcy. Bila je dobro tretirana i postala je odana svom mužu. Pisma između Isabelle i njezinih roditelja prenio je Pierre Salmon. U proljeće 1399. Richard ju je posjetio u Windsoru gdje je održan turnir njoj u čast. Richard je ponovno krenuo u kampanju u Irsku. Prije nego što je otišao, igrao se s Isabellom, držao je za ruku i poljubio, obećavši da će je nazvati da mu se uskoro pridruži u Irskoj. Njegov pravi plan bio je poslati gospođu de Courcy natrag u Francusku i vjerojatno nikada nije namjeravao dovesti Isabellu u Irsku. Zapravo, ovo je bio zadnji put da je vidjela svog muža.

Dok je Richard bio u Irskoj, Bolingbroke se vratio u Englesku i okupio tisuće vojnika. Richardov ujak, Edmund, vojvoda od Yorka koji je bio zadužen za kraljevstvo dok Richarda nije bilo, bio je prisiljen birati između Richarda i Bolingbrokea, a on je odabrao Bolingbroke. Richard se vratio u Englesku s malom tvrtkom, ali ubrzo su ga napustili. Odveden je u dvorac Flint gdje ga je Bolingbroke dao uhititi.

Richard je bio prisiljen abdicirati, a Parlament je Richarda proglasio svrgnutim. Henry Bolingbroke okrunjen je kao kralj Henry IV u Westminsteru 13. listopada 1399. Richard je navodno ubijen u dvorcu Pontefract u veljači 1400. U katedrali Starog sv. Pavla u Londonu održan je rekvijem kojem je prisustvovao kralj Henry.

U međuvremenu je Isabella čekala vijesti o svom suprugu u Donningu u Berkshireu. Nije smjela vidjeti svog muža, a u jednom trenutku je u njenu kuću uletjelo, a značke njenim pratiocima istrgnute s livreje. U prosincu su je posjetili grofovi Kent i Salisbury te je obavijestili da je Richard slobodan i da je to varalica u londonskom Toweru. Možemo samo zamisliti koliko je Isabella morala biti uplašena tijekom svih ovih previranja. Kad je napokon shvatila da je Richard mrtav, gurnula je svoje kućanstvo u duboku žalost.

Isabellin položaj bio je slab. Nije dosegla dob kanonskog pristanka i tehnički nije bila kraljica udovica. Sav njezin miraz bio je plaćen i Francuzi su zahtijevali da mu se vrati. Kralj Henry poslao je veleposlanstvo u Pariz kako bi razgovarali o braku Isabelle sa svojim sinom Henryjem, sada princom od Walesa. Princ se na kraju oženio Isabellinom mlađom sestrom Catherine. Englezi nisu imali novca za vraćanje miraza i nisu si mogli dopustiti da ugroze svoje primirje s Francuskom.

Nakon Richardove izjave, Isabelini roditelji bili su u bijesu što su je vratili kući. Bili su marljivi u pregovorima. Dokumenti otkrivaju da su veleposlanici dobili upute da potvrde s Isabellom da su njezini roditelji radili na njezinom spašavanju. Pozvali su je da se ne uda za nikoga koga bi kralj Henrik mogao preporučiti. Najvjerojatnije je odbila udati se za princa od Walesa zbog odanosti Richardu. Kad bi veleposlanici smjeli razgovarati s Isabellom sami, uvjeravali su je da je roditelji žele vidjeti i da čine sve što je u njihovoj moći da je vrate što je prije moguće.

U svibnju 1401. u Leulinghemu je potpisan ugovor kojim je kralj Henry pristao vratiti Isabellu u Francusku sa svojim draguljima i imovinom. U pratnji grofa od Worcestera predana je grofu St. Pol u Calaisu 21. srpnja 1401. Isabella se vratila kući roditeljima na njihovu veliku radost. Vratila se u majčino kućanstvo, ali naravno da njezin status tamo nije bio toliko važan kao što je bio dok je bila engleska kraljica. No njezina se majka pobrinula da bude okružena gospođama višeg ranga nego što je bila prije odlaska u Englesku.

U svibnju 1406. Isabella se udala za svog rođaka Charlesa od Orleansa, sina vojvode Louisa od Orleansa. Kad je Louis ubijen u studenom 1407., Charles je postao novi vojvoda. Izabella je ovaj brak možda smatrala izvorom poniženja jer je njezin novi muž bio samo vojvodin sin, a ona je nekad bila kraljica. Zapisi pokazuju da je Isabella posjetila svoju majku u travnju 1409. godine, kada je bila trudna. Umrla bi 14. rujna 1409. nakon što je rodila kćerku Joan. Isabella was buried in Blois at the chapel of the abbey of St. Laumer, now the church of St. Nicholas. In 1624, her remains were moved to the Orleans chapel in the church of the Celestines in Paris where she had played as a child.


Richard II and the Peasant's Revolt

The Peasant's Revolt
In Edward III's dotage, John of Gaunt (Ghent, in modern Belgium) was virtual ruler of England. He continued as regent when Richard II, aged 10, came to the throne in 1377. Four years later a poll tax was declared to finance the continuing war with France. Every person over the age of 15 had to pay one shilling, a large sum in those days. There was tremendous uproar amongst the peasantry. This, combined with continuing efforts by landowners to re-introduce servility of the working classes on the land, led to the Peasant's Revolt.

The leaders of the peasants were John Ball, an itinerant priest, Jack Straw, and Wat Tyler. The revolt is sometimes called Wat Tyler's Rebellion. They led a mob of up to 100,000 people to London, where the crowd went on a rampage of destruction, murdered the Archbishop of Canterbury, and burned John of Gaunt's Savoy Palace.

The End of the Revolt
Eventually, they forced a meeting with the young king in a field near Mile End. Things began amicably enough, but Wat Tyler grew abusive and the Lord Mayor of London drew his sword and killed him.

At this point Richard, then only 14, showed great courage, shouting to the peasants to follow him. He led them off, calmed them down with promises of reforms, and convinced them to disperse to their homes. His promises were immediately revoked by his council of advisors, and the leaders of the revolt were hanged.

In 1399 Henry Bolingbroke, the exiled son of John of Gaunt, landed with an invasion force while Richard was in Ireland. He defeated Richard in battle, took him prisoner, and probably had him murdered. Henry's claim to the throne was poor. His right to rule was usurpation approved by Parliament and public opinion.

Henrik IV (1399-1413) had a reign notable mainly for a series of rebellions and invasions in Wales, Scotland, France, and northern England. He was followed by his son, Henry V (1413-22), whose short reign was enlivened by attacks on the Lollard heresy which drove it underground at last. He also resurrected claims to the throne of France itself. After spectacular success at the Battle of Agincourt (1415), Henry married Katherine, daughter of the mad Charles VI of France. Henry died young, leaving the nine-month-old Henry VI (1422-61) to inherit the throne.


Prve godine

Richard was the younger and only surviving son of Edward, the Black Prince, and his wife, Joan of Kent. Because his father died prematurely in 1376, Richard succeeded his grandfather Edward III as king in June 1377.

The king’s early years were overshadowed by the Hundred Years’ War, a prolonged struggle with France. The heavy cost of the war led to the introduction in 1377 of a novel, and highly regressive, tax, the poll tax. In November 1380 Parliament granted permission to impose the tax for the third time at a flat rate much higher than before. The tactless attempts the government made in the following year to enforce collection of the tax led to the outbreak of the Peasants’ Revolt. Richard’s role in ending the revolt was rightly acclaimed, but it should not be supposed that he was influential in making policy. Almost certainly, the confrontation with the rebels at Smithfield was engineered by a hard-line group of his counselors.

In the years after the revolt, Richard’s interest in the affairs of state intermittently increased. According to the chronicler Thomas Walsingham, a contemporary of Richard’s, the choice of Anne of Bohemia, the daughter of the Holy Roman emperor Charles IV, as his bride in 1381 was very much Richard’s own. By 1383 his personal initiative showed in the choice of his friends and counselors, including two figures of particular importance—Sir Simon Burley, his former tutor, and Burley’s ally, Sir Michael de la Pole, chancellor from 1383. Richard was also on close terms with some ambitious younger men, notably Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, and the knights Ralph Stafford and James Berners. These younger men were deeply jealous of the power and prestige of John of Gaunt, the duke of Lancaster. Their repeated criticism of the duke and their involvement in an attempt on his life led to an atmosphere of rancour and suspicion at court. By 1385 Richard’s relations with the higher nobility were quickly deteriorating.

In October 1386 there was a major crisis in Parliament. In the wake of Lancaster’s departure for Spain in July with a large fleet to pursue his claim to the Castilian throne, the French planned an invasion of England. De la Pole, hastily organizing the coastal defences, sought an unprecedentedly large grant of taxation from Parliament. The massive scale of his demand provoked resistance, and the House of Commons clamoured for his resignation. Richard, stung by the Commons’ effrontery, retorted that he would not remove one scullion from his kitchen at their behest. Eventually, however, he had to give way. De la Pole was replaced as chancellor and put on trial, and a commission of government was appointed to hold office for a year.

Richard reacted to the Commons’ assault by retreating to the Midlands to rally his supporters. At Shrewsbury and Nottingham in August he received vigorous reaffirmation of his rights from the royal courts. News of the judges’ opinions frightened the king’s critics, who reacted by bringing an accusatio, or formal appeal, against his allies of treason. The Lords Appellant, as they were now called—the duke of Gloucester and the earls of Warwick, Arundel, Nottingham, and Derby—mobilized their retinues in self-defense. Richard dispatched his friend Robert de Vere southward with an armed force, but de Vere was defeated at Radcot Bridge on December 20, 1387. A few days later London was occupied by the Appellants. Richard returned to his capital humiliated.

In the aptly named “Merciless Parliament” that followed, the Appellants purged the court. Two of Richard’s main allies were executed, and others were dismissed from office. By the following spring, however, the Appellant tide had subsided. At a council meeting at Westminster on May 3, 1389, Richard formally resumed responsibility for government. He dismissed the Appellants’ ministers and appointed new officers of his own. At the same time, he published a manifesto promising better governance and an easing of the burden of taxation.


The Entry of Richard & Bolingbroke into London - History

Richard II is one of English monarchs, mostly known as the young king, who dealt with the Peasants’ Revolt, led by Wat Tyler, in 1381. He was born in Bordeaux in 1367 and inherited ‘the throne from his grandfather in 1377, at the age of 10’ (Bremner, 2011). He is also known as ‘the first king that we know for sure what he looked like, in part because of his own conscious attempts to raise the personal place of the monarch, through the active use of imagery and artistic representation’ (ibid). Meanwhile, he was also one of the English monarchs, who inspired William Shakespeare to write a history play based on his own deeds, called The Tragedy of King Richard the Second. However, Shakespeare’s play doesn’t mention neither the Peasants’ Revolt nor any other important elements relating to his reign i. e., the impact of the Black Death prior to his reign nor the Lollard Movement led by John Wyclif. Instead, the play only focuses on the final years of his rule, effectively, from January 1398 to February 1400. This blog entry, first of all, would like to examine the opening scene of the play that provides the dispute between two powerful lords Henry Bolingbroke and Thomas Mowbray, with making comparisons with real history. This will automatically lead it to examining of Duke of Gloucester’s death and his relationship with, not only the lords mentioned above, but with the king himself as well. Subsequently, it will also have a look at the story line that follows the opening scene, again comparing with historical facts. Finally, it will focus on a couple of incidents that took place after Richard’s reign a failed plot against the new king Henry IV in January 1400, from which Shakespeare created a family comedy in Act 5 and the death of Richard in the following month.

Shakespeare begins his play with describing a bitter quarrel between Henry Bolingbroke and Thomas Mowbray that takes place in front of King Richard II (Act 1:1). In which, Henry accuses Mowbray of following three accounts (1) he ‘hath receiv’d eight thousand nobles / In name of lendings for your highness’ soldiers, / The which he hath detain’d for lewd employ-ments’ (Craig, 2005), (2) an allegation that ‘all the treasons for these eighteen years / Complotted and contrived in this land, / Fetch from false Mowbray’(ibid) and (3) he ‘did plot the Duke of Gloucester’s death… And consequently, like a traitor coward, / Sluic’d out his innocent soul through streams of blood’ (ibid). Against these accusations, Mowbray disputes with providing his side of defences as for (1), he says, ‘Three parts of that receipt I had for Calais / Disburs’d I duly to his highness’ soldiers / The other part reserv’d I by consent, / For that my sovereign liege was in my debt / Upon remainder of a dear account, / Since last I went to France to fetch his queen’ (ibid), as for (2), he at least admits that he did ‘lay an ambush’ (ibid) against Henry’s father, John of Gaunt, who is also present in the scene, however, he explains, ‘But ere I last receiv’d the sacrament / I did confess it, and exactly begg’d / Your Grace’s pardon, and I hope I had it’ (ibid), and as for (3), he simply denies his involvement by saying, ‘I slew him not but to mine own disgrace / Neglected my sworn duty in that case’ (ibid). Now, it would be worthwhile to examine what actually happened in real history and what sort of background was behind the dispute between these nobles, who belonged to the same generation Henry Bolingbroke, son of John of Gaunt – born on 3 rd of April 1367, Thomas Mowbray, son of John de Mowbray – born in c. 1366, and Richard II, as already mentioned earlier, who was born in 1367.

In real history, things known about the quarrel between Bolingbroke and Mowbray are relatively limited and could be summarised in the following way: ‘during the second session of the parliament of September 1397, held in January 1398, Henry Bolingbroke raised with Richard the accusation that Mowbray had stated privately to him that Richard would seek vengeance on both of them in the way that he had taken vengeance on Arundel, Gloucester, and Warwick. The matter was made a formal charge of treason against Mowbray in a parliamentary committee that met after the end of the session (31 January 1398). The matter could not be resolved through evidence which meant that Bolingbroke and Mowbray would settle the matter by means of a duel on 16 September 1398′ (Marx, 2003). As Shakespeare depicted in Act 1 scene 3, on that day, ‘Richard intervened to stop the duel and exiled both parties’ (ibid). As quoted above, it seems that the nature of actual quarrel had been more complicated and more serious than what was later staged in the Elizabethan theatre. Along with Gloucester, whose name was also mentioned in Act 1 scene 1, the allegation includes names of other lords as well namely Arundel and Warwick, to whom, it is regarded that King Richard had taken vengeance. Now, it would be worthwhile to examine what had happened before things got to this stage, especially concerning the death of Gloucester.

Duke of Gloucester was born Thomas of Woodstock on 7 January, 1355. He was the ‘seventh and youngest son of the English king Edward III’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomaswoodstock.htm). Despite he was ‘made Earl of Buckingham by his nephew, Richard II, at the coronation in July 1377’ (ibid) and was created Duke of Gloucester, as ‘a mark of favour’ (ibid) from the king in 1385, to cut the long story short, by 1397 Gloucester was at odds with his nephew, Richard II, to the extent where, ‘it has been asserted that the duke was plotting to seize the king. At all events, Richard decided to arrest him’ (ibid). On 11 July 1397, Gloucester ‘was arrested by the king himself at his residence, Pleshey castle in Essex’ (ibid) and ‘was taken at once to Calais’ (ibid), where he died on 9 September, 1397, at the age of 42. Now, unlike Shakespeare’s historical play, it became clear that in real history, Richard had more role to play regarding the arrest and the death of Gloucester. Before delving into more details, it would make sense to examine what about the other key figures’ involvements.

Despite Henry Hereford once ‘supported his uncle Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, in his armed opposition to Richard II and his favourites’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/henry4.htm) in 1387, he later changed his sides ‘probably through his father’s influence’ (ibid) and the situation in ten years later was that Henry, along with his father, John of Gaunt, was still on the side with ‘the king against Gloucester, and in 1397 was made Duke of Hereford’ (ibid). In the meantime, Thomas Mowbray’s involvement was allegedly more directly. He had been appointed to captain of Calais by Richard II, a few years before 1397 and not only ‘He was present when Gloucester was arrested at Pleshey’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomasmowbray.htm), Gloucester ‘was entrusted to his keeping at Calais, and in September 1397 he reported that his prisoner was dead’ (ibid). As long as Gloucester didn’t die from natural causes, it would be plausible to speculate that Mowbray ‘was probably responsible, although the evidence against him is not conclusive’ (ibid). Nevertheless, others argue that ‘it is probable that he was murdered by order of the king on the 9th of September’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomaswoodstock.htm), with more details to follow:

‘At the beginning of September it was reported that he was dead. The rumour, probably a deliberate one, was false, and about the same time a justice, Sir William Rickhill (d. 1407), was sent to Calais with instructions dated the 17th of August to obtain a confession from Gloucester. On the 8th of September the duke confessed that he had been guilty of treason, and his death immediately followed this avowal. Unwilling to meet his parliament so soon after his uncle’s death, Richard’s purpose was doubtless to antedate this occurrence, and to foster the impression that the duke had died from natural causes in August. When parliament met in September he was declared guilty of treason and his estates forfeited’ (ibid).

To assess the situation and background of Gloucester’s death, it is quite important to trace back some related historical events for about a decade, especially focusing on the relationship between the king and the parliament.

In 1384, facing to critical conflicts against France and Scotland, Richard summoned feudal levy ‘for the last time in the Middle Ages’ (Bremner, 2011). This, and the result of the battle against Scotland, caused Richard to face with a parliamentary backlash, in which, the Parliament ‘won the sacking of Chancellor de la Pole’ (ibid) and his impeachment. In the following years, in 1386-7, the Parliament ‘ended up examining royal finances and putting the Duke of Gloucester in charge. Expenditure was cut and grants to favourites reduced. The king’s authority had been fatally undermined as the narrow power base of his administration had nothing to fall back on’ (ibid). Nonetheless, Richard ‘sought advice from leading judges’ (ibid), who gave judgements favourable for the royal prerogative, saying ‘no minister could be impeached without the crown’s agreement and that it was treasonous to limit the royal power’ (ibid). This encouraged Richard, who now ‘charged his opponents with treason’ (ibid). The king’s opponents are known as the Appellant Lords, who ‘represented the traditional noble houses that Richard had always scorned’ (ibid), and Duke of Gloucester was one of the most prominent figures among them. The situation changed dramatically when Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford ‘raised the men of Cheshire in defence of the king’ (ibid) in later 1387. The Appellant Lords defeated de Vere in the battle and ‘then marched on London, met the king in the Tower, possibly removed him from the throne for a few days and then tried his leading councillors. The ultimate humiliation came with the execution of four of Richard’s favourite knights’ (ibid). However, the Appellants failed to rule sufficiently and as a result, ‘the Commons became disillusioned and the king’s popularity increased’ (ibid). When a couple of Appellants Lords defected to the king, it meant that ‘in 1389 the king, now aged 22, could declare his own majority and will to rule of his own. The remaining appellants were removed from office as Gaunt returned to bolster the crown’ (ibid). Nevertheless, Richard’s various reforms ‘failed to address all the financial problems and the king still spent more than he earnt, due largely to his extravagant personal expenditure. In 1397 he gained a taxation grant without there being the requirements for war, for the first time a dangerous precedent for the king to rely upon’ (ibid). Meanwhile, Richard’s wife Anne of Bohemia, with whom, he had ‘actually fell in love’ (ibid) and married in 1382, died in 1394. On one hand, her death contributed Richard to go for another foreign involvement in Ireland, on the other hand, it also helped Richard to secure ‘A 28 year truce with France in 1396, sealed with Richard’s betrothal to a French princess’ (ibid) Isabella, daughter of King Charles VI. Unlike Shakespeare’s adult character, when the marriage took place in 1396, Princess Isabella was ‘not quite seven years old’ (University of London, 2007). Regarding this marriage, it would be worth to mention that Duke of Gloucester rather ‘disliked the peace with France and Richard’s second marriage with Isabella’ ( http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomaswoodstock.htm).

Furthermore, it is argued that the loss of his beloved queen, who ‘may have provided a restraining influence’ (Bremner, 2011) could explain Richard’s reign in the following years, which ‘are traditionally described as a period of tyranny with the government levying forced loans, carrying out arbitrary arrests and murdering the king’s rivals’ (ibid). As for the latter, the king always had ‘resentment against the Appellants’ (ibid) and when he arrested three senior Appellants, in 1397, Gloucester was one of them along with Earl of Arundel and Earl of Warwick. Despite evidence of a plot against the king was ‘unclear’ (ibid), Warwick ‘was sent to prison’ (ibid) while ‘Arundel was executed’ (ibid). As for Gloucester, as already argued above, it is said that he ‘was probably murdered by Nottingham’s men in Calais’ (ibid). As a result of these brutal revenges, Richard ‘now handed out a slew of titles and land making, amongst others, Nottingham [Mowbray] the Duke of Norfolk and Derby [Bolingbroke] the Duke of Hereford’ (ibid). In addition, the former also ‘received most of Arundel’s lands in Surrey and Sussex’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomasmowbray.htm).

As it has been mentioned earlier, Shakespeare set the opening scene of his Richard II at this historical point, with depicting the three main characters, regarding the death of Gloucester, in the following way: Bolingbroke accuses Mowbray of plotting his death Mowbray denies his involvement but acknowledges his neglect whilst there is no implication of possible involvement of the king himself. In addition, accusation on Mowbray is further emphasised in the very next scene, where the widowed Duchess of Gloucester blames her husband’s death as ‘Mowbray’s sin’ (Craig, 2005). Nonetheless, the plot of the play after the opening scene is basically in tune with what actually happened in the final few years of the fourteenth century

(1) dispute between Bolingbroke and Mowbray was decided to be settled by a single combat, which was to be held in Coventry, however, ‘when on the 10th of September 1398 everything was ready for the fight Richard interposed and ordered both combatants into banishment’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/thomasmowbray.htm). Then, ‘within fifteen days Henry, Duke of Hereford, was ordered to leave the realm, not to return for ten years, unless ordered by the King, on pain of death. He was, however, given a yearly income of £2,000. This was small comfort, for the secretary had one more announcement for him: his estates were to be confiscated. As for Mowbray… he was to leave the realm and never return, upon pain of death. He was given a yearly income of £1,000, and his property was confiscated. Both were then summoned to stand before the King and swear an oath that they would not continue the argument. This they did’ (McGrory, 2013). In addition, whilst Henry’s exile was ‘reduced by his father’s pleading by four years’ (ibid) before his departure, Mowbray ‘is said to have died of melancholy in Venice – though some sources say it was of “pestilence”, or plague’ (ibid) in September, 1399

(2) John of Gaunt died in February 1399. Before his death and his son’s exile, it is argued that ‘fearing for their position, Gaunt and his son made the king promise to uphold their inheritance if either died’ (Bremner, 2011). Nevertheless, Richard ‘confiscated his vast estate, Henry’s birthright, and announced his exile was for life’ (McGrory, 2013)

(3) ‘Early in July, whilst Richard was absent in Ireland, he (Bolingbroke) landed at Ravenspur in Yorkshire… and Richard, abandoned by his friends, surrendered at Flint on the 19th of August’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/henry4.htm). As for Henry’s intention when he launched the invasion, whilst Shakespeare emphasises on his noble cause – to bring back his duly inheritance – through his character’s words in Act 2:3, saying ‘It must be granted I am Duke of Lancaster… personally I lay my claim / To my inheritance of free descent’ (Craig, 2005) and even though it is argued that ‘It is true that Henry gave out that he was only returning to recover his own confiscated property’ (Miller, 2003), in reality, it would be more plausible to presume that ‘Henry must have learnt from previous experience that such a rebellion could never be undertaken for limited purposes only’ (ibid), and probably with the the king’s unpopularity in his consideration, Henry actually ‘did nothing to quench the ardour of his followers for the removal of a hated government, and allowed himself to be carried along on the popular tide which required the removal of King Richard II’ (ibid).

(4) ‘In the parliament, which assembled on the 30th of September, Richard was forced to abdicate. Henry then made his claim as coming by right line of blood from King Henry III… Parliament formally accepted him, and thus Henry became king’ (http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/henry4.htm). This was followed by (5) a failed plot against the new king Henry IV in January 1400, which ‘reminded Henry of Lancaster how great a liability the live Richard II would be’ (Bremner, 2011) and, consequently

(6) the death of abdicated Richard in the following month.

As for the failed plot took place in January 1400, Shakespeare mentions this incident through a family comedy in Act 5, which is attributed to Duke of York, his wife and their son Edward, who is described, in Scene 2, as Duke of ‘Aumerle that was / But that is lost… And, madam, you must call him Rutland now’ (Craig, 2005). This reflects the historical facts that Edward ‘was created Earl of Rutland’ (http://www.shakespeareandhistory.com/richard-ii.php) in 1390 and was ‘created Duke of Aumerle in 1397’ (ibid) by Richard II’s favour. However, ‘He was stripped of his title of Duke of Aumerle and several other offices’ (ibid) by the new king Henry IV and ‘was not punished for his possible involvement in Gloucester’s death’ (ibid). Interestingly, in relation to Shakespeare’s dramatisation, some argue that ‘When a group of lords planned to murder King Henry in early 1400 it is said that it was Edward who warned the king of the conspiracy (although some chroniclers claim he was involved to an extent)’ (ibid). Despite it is unclear whether he was involved in the plot and to what extent, after this incident, history tells us that ‘Edward continued to be a faithful servant to the crown during the reign of Henry IV and… he succeeded to the title of Duke of York upon the death of his father in 1402’ (ibid).

Finally, as for the death of abdicated king Richard, whilst Shakespeare made up a character called Exton to be accused of murdering the once anointed monarch by his successor, Henry IV, in real history it is said that ‘By the end of February 1400, Richard of Bordeaux had starved to death… Initially buried in Kings Langley, Henry V later placed Richard’s body in the tomb that he had designed for himself in the Confessor’s chapel of Westminster Abbey’ (Bremner, 2011).

Thus, this blog entry mainly focused on examining the background history of the opening scene of Richard II, the play by Shakespeare, which presents a dispute between Henry Bolingbroke and Thomas Mowbray. In doing so, it examined the real dispute took place between the lords in question and found the source event in a parliamentary committee met on 31 January. 1398, which dealt with a formal charge of treason against Thomas Mowbray. This automatically led it to examine the death of Duke of Gloucester and it found out that while Shakespeare’s play tends to depict the murder as solely ‘Mowbray’s sin’, in history it was Richard II himself, who arrested Gloucester and ordered him to be sent to Calais, where he died on 9 September, 1397. It also argued that the arrest and death of Gloucester took place as a part of Richard’s personal revenge against the so-called Appellant Lords, which also brought downfalls of Earl of Arundel and Earl of Warwick and, on the contrary, those who gained from these series of events were Bolingbroke and Mowbray. Subsequently, it shifted its focus to the storyline that follows the opening scene and confirmed that the entire flow of the play basically agrees with actual historical events. Finally, it looked at a couple of incidents that took place after the abdication of Richard. As for the failed plot against Henry IV in January 1400, it looked at the role of Rutland in the real history and concluded that it is unclear whether or not he was involved and to what extent. As for the death of Richard, it pointed out that he was not murdered by a fictional character called Exton, who appears in the final scene of the play, but was most likely starved to death in February 1400.

Bremner, Ian (2011), The Reign of Richard II, 1377 to 1399, BBC – History – British History (electronically accessed 26/01/2015)

Craig, W. J. (ed) (2005) The Tragedy of King Richard the Second, by William Shakespeare, AbsoluteShakespeare.com (electronically accessed 11/02/2015)

englishmonarch.co.uk (2005), Anne of Bohemia (11 May 1366 – 7 June 1394), English Monarchs – Plantagenet (electronically accessed 12/03/2015)

Friedman, Ofir (2015), Thomas de Mowbray, 1st Duke of Norfolk, Geni.com (last updated 30/01/2015, electronically accessed 16/02/2015)

Jokinen, Anniina (ed.) (2013), Thomas Mowbray, Luminarium: Encyclopedia Project – The Hundred Years War, excerpted from Enciklopedija Britanika, 11 th Ed, Vol. XXXIII, Cambridge University Press (1910), last updated 01/08/2013, electronically accessed 04/02/2015

Jokinen, Anniina (ed.) (2013), Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (1355 – 1397), Luminarium: Encyclopedia Project – The Hundred Years War, excerpted from Enciklopedija Britanika, 11 th Ed, Vol. XII, Cambridge University Press (1910), last updated 30/07/2013, electronically accessed 06/02/2015

Kingsford, Charles L. (2013), Henry IV (1367 – 1413), Luminarium: Encyclopedia Project (electronically accessed 02/2/2015, last updated 30/07/2013)

Marx, William (2003), An English Chronicle 1377 1461, A New Edition, Aberystwyth National Library of Wales MS 21608, and Oxford, Bodleian Library MSs Lyell 34, Medieval Chronicles, The Boydell Press, Woodbridge, Google Books (electronically accessed 18/02/2015)

McGrory, David (2013), Bloody British History: Coventry, Google Books (electronically accessed 27/03/2015)

Miller, Michael D. (2003), Wars of the Roses, An Analysis of the causes of the wars and the course which they took – Chapter 7: Henry of Bolingbroke rebels (electronically accessed 18/05/2015)

Shakespeareandhistory.com (2009), Duke of Aumerle Aumerle in History (electronically accessed 09/02/2015)

University of London (2007), Isabelle of France, Richard II’s Treasure – Treasure – Sources (electronically accessed 12/03/2015)


How the plague spread around the British Isles

Most historians are willing to agree that the Black Death killed between 30-45% of the population between 1348-50.

  • 1317: Great Famine in England
  • May 1337: Declaration of the Hundred Years War by Edward III.
  • June 1348: Black Death arrives at Melcombe Regis (Weymouth)
  • Aug 1348: Black Death hits Bristol
  • Sept 1348: Black Death reaches London
  • Oct 1348: Winchester hit - Edendon's 'Voice in Rama' speech
  • Jan 1349: Parliament prorogued on account of the plague.
  • Jan-Feb 1349: Plague spreads into E. Anglia and the Midlands.
  • April 1349: Plague known in Wales.
  • May 1349: Halesowen hit.
  • 18th June 1349: Ordinance of Labourers.
  • July 1349: Plague definitely hits Ireland.
  • Autumn 1349: Plague reaches Durham. Scots invade northern England and bring back plague with them.
  • Spring 1350: Massive outbreak of plague in Scotland.
  • Sept 1350: First pestilence dies out.
  • 9th Feb 1351: Statute of Labourers.
  • 1361-64: Second Pestilence: 'The Plague of Children'.
  • 1367: Birth of Richard II in Bordeau.
  • 1368-69: Third Pestilence
  • 1371-75: Fourth Pestilence (variously dated 1371 or 1373-5)
  • 1381: The Peasant Revolt

The plague returned in a series of periodic local and national epidemics. The plague only finally stopped at the end of the Seventeenth century.


Gledaj video: Richard II and Henry Bolingbroke