Borba za Zell, 14. rujna 1796

Borba za Zell, 14. rujna 1796


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Borba za Zell, 14. rujna 1796

U borbama kod Zella (14. rujna 1796.) poražen je loše planirani austrijski napad na vojsku generala Moreaua na Rajni i Mozeli neposredno prije početka njegova povlačenja po južnoj Njemačkoj u jesen 1796. godine.

U ljeto 1796. Francuzi su izvršili dvostruku invaziju na Njemačku. Moreau, koji je zapovijedao južnim krakom, na kraju je stigao do predgrađa Münchena i polako je potiskivao svoje austrijske protivnike. Dalje na sjever general Jourdan je također napredovao dug put u južnu Njemačku, ali dok je Moreau odnio pobjedu kod Friedberga (24. kolovoza), Jourdan je doživio poraz od nadvojvode Charlesa u Ambergu, 80 milja sjeverno.

Moreau je nastavio napredovati do kraja rujna, ali kad su njemačke novine objavile vijest o Ambergu, počeo je usporavati. Kad je vijest potvrđena, Moreau je odlučio da mora učiniti nešto kako bi pomogao Jourdanu.

Moreau je odlučio poslati Desaixa, s cijelim lijevim krilom svoje vojske, u Nürnberg gdje se nadao da će pronaći Jourdana. Desaix je 10. rujna prešao Dunav u Neuburgu i započeo kratkotrajni marš prema sjeveru. Do ovog trenutka Jourdan je bio dug put prema zapadu. 3. rujna doživio je drugi poraz kod Würzburga, šezdeset milja zapadno od Nürnberga, a do 10. rujna približio se Frankfurtu na Majni. Desaixov je pohod mogao završiti samo neuspjehom.

Moreau je rasporedio ostatak svoje vojske toliko loše da mu je svaki nadležni general mogao nanijeti težak poraz. Većina njegova središta preselila se u Unterstadt, na sjevernoj obali Dunava blizu Neuburga. Delmas je ostavljen na južnoj obali u Zellu sa šest bataljuna da čuvaju prijelaz rijeke. General Ferino, koji je poslan da čuva mostove preko Lecha, zauzeo je položaj u Friedbergu, istočno od Augsburga, između rijeka Paar i Lech, više od dvadeset milja jugozapadno od Neuburga.

Na sreću Moreau Latour nije bio osobito sposoban general. Suočen s široko rasprostranjenim protivnikom, čini se da mu je prva pomisao uvijek bila da se raširi jednako mršavo. Umjesto da usredotoči cijelu ili veći dio svoje vojske protiv Ferina ili Moreaua, odlučio je poslati jedinstvenu diviziju (Mercantin) da napadne Francuze u Neubourgu. Froelich je poslan u Landsberg, dvadeset pet milja južno od Augsburga na Lechu. Nauendorf je poslan na sjevernu obalu Dunava. Sam Latour je napredovao do Schrobenhausena, nešto manje od petnaest milja južno od Neuburga i dvadeset milja sjeveroistočno od Augsburga.

Dana 14. rujna Mercantin je napao šest Delmasovih bojna pod okriljem magle. Delmasovi ljudi bili su blizu sloma. Delmas i Oudinot su u borbama ranjeni, ostavljajući diviziju bez zapovjednika. Moreau se postavio na čelo divizije, ali da je Latour napao u pravoj snazi ​​položaj bi bio izgubljen. Umjesto toga, Francuzi su se mogli zadržati dovoljno dugo da Saint-Cyr pošalje pojačanje sa sjeverne obale, pa je na kraju austrijski napad odbijen.

Austrijanci su izvršili još dva napada na francuski položaj, oba su završila neuspješno. Treći i posljednji napad završio je kad se austrijska konjica slomila i pobjegla pet milja istočno do Lichtenaua.

Iako su Francuzi pobijedili Latourov napad, Moreau je sada znao da se Jourdan povlači natrag prema Rajni. Desaixu je naređeno da maršira natrag prema Dunavu, prešavši natrag na južnu obalu 16. rujna. Moreau je zatim započeo polako povlačenje natrag uz Dunav, nadajući se da će slijediti gornje tokove rijeke natrag do Schwarzwalda i Rajne. Čak je bio dovoljno samopouzdan da zastane južno od Ulma, gdje je nanio poraz Latouru (bitka kod Biberacha, 2. listopada 1796.), ali to je dalo nadvojvodi Charlesu da se pomakne na jug nakon što je forsirao Jourdan preko Rajne, a Moreau je doživio poraze kod Emmendingen (19. listopada 1796.) i Schliengen (23. listopada 1796.) na zapadnim padinama Schwarzwalda prije nego što su prešli natrag preko Rajne.

Napoleonova početna stranica | Knjige o Napoleonovim ratovima | Predmetni indeks: Napoleonovi ratovi


Uspostavljen isusovački red

U Rimu Družba Isusova 𠅊 rimokatolička misionarska organizacija — prima svoju povelju od pape Pavla III. Isusovački red odigrao je važnu ulogu u protureformaciji i na kraju uspio preobratiti milijune diljem svijeta u katoličanstvo.

Isusovački pokret osnovao je Ignatius de Loyola, španjolski vojnik koji je postao svećenik, u kolovozu 1534. Prvi isusovci –Ignatius i šestorica njegovih učenika – položili su zavjete siromaštva i čistoće i napravili planove za rad na obraćenju muslimana. Ako putovanje u Svetu Zemlju nije bilo moguće, obećali su se ponuditi papi za apostolsko djelo. Nisu mogli otputovati u Jeruzalem zbog turskih ratova, umjesto toga su otišli u Rim kako bi se sastali s papom i zatražili dopuštenje za formiranje novog vjerskog reda. U rujnu 1540., papa Pavao III odobrio je Ignacijev ’ nacrt Družbe Isusove i rođen je isusovački red.

Pod Ignacijevim ’ karizmatskim vodstvom, Družba Isusova brzo je rasla. Isusovački misionari imali su vodeću ulogu u protureformaciji i osvojili mnoge europske vjernike koji su bili izgubljeni u protestantizmu. Tijekom Ignacijevog života isusovci su također slani u Indiju, Brazil, regiju Kongo i Etiopiju. Obrazovanje je bilo od najveće važnosti za isusovce, a u Rimu je Ignacije osnovao Rimski koledž (kasnije nazvan Gregorijansko sveučilište) i Germanicum, školu za njemačke svećenike. Isusovci su također vodili nekoliko dobrotvornih organizacija, poput jedne za bivše prostitutke i jedne za obraćene Židove. Kad je Ignacije de Loyola umro u srpnju 1556., bilo je više od 1.000 svećenika isusovaca.


Braća i sestre

  • Katarina Lenz 1820-1820
  • Eva Lenz 1821-1827
  • Margaretha Lenz 1823-1882
  • Marija Lenz 1824.
  • Maria Lenz 1827-
  • Johann Lenz 1833-1834
  • Anna Margaretha Lenz 1835-

Polubraća i sestre

  • s Johannom Jakobom Klinknerom 1743-1781
    • Maria Magdalena Klinkner † 1817
    • Matija Klinkner 1772-1773
    • Johann Jakob Klinkner 1775-1781
    • Christian Klinkner 1778-

    Borba za Zell, 14. rujna 1796. - Povijest

    Čini se da razdoblje za nove izbore građanina koji će upravljati izvršnom vladom Sjedinjenih Država nije daleko, a vrijeme je stvarno došlo kada se vaše misli moraju upotrijebiti za određivanje osobe koja će biti odjevena u to važno povjerenje za mene, pogotovo jer to može dovesti do izraženijeg izražavanja javnog glasa, da vas sada obavijestim o rezoluciji koju sam donio, da odbijem da me se smatra među onima među kojima je potrebno napraviti izbor .

    Preklinjem vas, u isto vrijeme, da mi učinite sve kako bi bili sigurni da ova rezolucija nije donesena bez strogog uzimanja u obzir svih razmatranja koja se odnose na odnos koji obvezujućeg građanina veže za njegovu državu i na povlačenje ponude službe, što bi šutnja u mojoj situaciji mogla implicirati, na mene utječe ni umanjenje revnosti za vaš budući interes, ni nedostatak zahvalnog poštovanja prema vašoj prijašnjoj ljubaznosti, ali potkrijepljeno sam punim uvjerenjem da je korak kompatibilan s obojicom.

    Prihvaćanje i nastavak službe u kojoj su me do sada dva puta zvali vaši uredi bila je ujednačena žrtva sklonosti prema mišljenju dužnosti i poštivanju onoga što se činilo kao vaša želja. Neprestano sam se nadao da ću u svojoj moći imati mnogo ranije, u skladu s motivima koje nisam mogao zanemariti, da se vratim u onu mirovinu iz koje sam nevoljko potekao. Snaga moje sklonosti da to učinim, prije prošlih izbora, čak je dovela do pripreme obraćanja koje će vam biti objavljeno, ali zrelo razmišljanje o tada zbunjenom i kritičkom stavu naših poslova sa stranim narodima, i jednoglasni savjet osoba koje imaju pravo na moje povjerenje, natjeralo me da napustim tu ideju.

    Raduje me što stanje vaših briga, vanjskih i unutarnjih, više ne čini težnju za sklonošću nespojivom s osjećajem dužnosti ili pristojnosti, i uvjeren sam, bez obzira na pristranost koja se može zadržati za moje usluge, da se u sadašnjim okolnostima naše zemlje, nećete odobravati moju odlučnost da odem u mirovinu.

    Dojmovi s kojima sam prvi put stekao teško povjerenje objašnjeni su prigodnom prilikom. U oslobađanju od tog povjerenja samo ću reći da sam, s dobrim namjerama, pridonio ustrojstvu i administraciji vlade čiji je najbolji napor bio vrlo pogrešan. Nisam bio nesvjestan na početku inferiornosti svojih kvalifikacija, iskustvo u mojim vlastitim očima, možda još više u očima drugih, pojačalo je motive moje nesposobnosti i svakim danom me sve veća težina godina sve više opominje da nijansa odlaska u mirovinu mi je neophodna koliko i dobrodošla. Zadovoljan sam što, ako su neke okolnosti mojim uslugama dale osobitu vrijednost, bile su privremene, imam utjehu vjerovati da me, iako me izbor i razboritost pozivaju da napustim političku scenu, domoljublje to ne zabranjuje.

    Radujući se trenutku koji ima namjeru prekinuti karijeru mog javnog života, moji osjećaji mi ne dopuštaju da obustavim duboko priznanje tog duga zahvalnosti koji dugujem svojoj voljenoj zemlji za mnoge počasti koje mi je ukazala još više zbog postojanog povjerenja s kojim me podržao i zbog mogućnosti koje sam od tada uživao u iskazivanju svoje nepovredive privrženosti, vjernim i ustrajnim službama, iako po korisnosti nejednakoj mojoj revnosti. Ako su našoj zemlji ove usluge donijele koristi, neka se uvijek zapamte na vašu hvalu i kao poučan primjer u našim analima, da su u okolnostima u kojima su strasti, uzburkane u svim smjerovima, mogle dovesti u zabludu, usred pojavljivanja ponekad sumnjive, peripetije sreće često obeshrabrujuće, u situacijama u kojima nerijetko želja za uspjehom suprotstavlja duh kritike, postojanost vaše podrške bila je bitan oslonac napora i jamstvo planova prema kojima su ostvareni. Duboko prožet ovom idejom, nosit ću je sa sobom u grob, kao snažno poticanje na neprestane zavjete da vam nebo može nastaviti da bira najvjerojatnije znakove svoje dobrobiti da vaša zajednica i bratska naklonost mogu biti vječni od slobodnog Ustava, koji je djelo vaših ruku, može se sveto održati da se njegova uprava u svakom odjelu može žigosati mudrošću i vrlinom kako bi, u redu, sreća ljudi ovih država pod pokroviteljstvom slobode bila potpuna pažljivo čuvaju i tako razborito koriste ovaj blagoslov koji će im steći slavu preporučivši ga uz pljesak, naklonost i posvajanje svakog naroda koji mu je još stran.

    Ovdje bih se možda trebao zaustaviti. Ali skrb za vašu dobrobit, koja ne može prestati osim s mojim životom, i spoznaja opasnosti, prirodna za tu brigu, potiču me, u ovakvoj prigodi, kao što je sadašnjost, da vam ponudim svečano razmatranje i preporučim vaše često pregledavanje , neki osjećaji koji su rezultat mnogo razmišljanja, nema beznačajnih zapažanja i koji mi se čine vrlo važnima za trajnost vaše sreće kao naroda. Oni će vam biti ponuđeni s više slobode, jer u njima možete vidjeti samo nezainteresirana upozorenja prijatelja na rastanku, koji možda ne može imati nikakav osobni motiv da pristriči njegov savjet. Ne mogu zaboraviti, kao poticaj tome, vaš popustljiv prijem prema mojim osjećajima u bivšoj, a ne u različitoj prilici.

    Isprepletena ljubav prema slobodi sa svakim ligamentom vašeg srca, nijedna moja preporuka nije potrebna za jačanje ili potvrđivanje privrženosti.

    Jedinstvo vlasti koje vas čini jednim narodom također vam je sada drago. To je upravo tako, jer je to glavni stup u zgradi vaše stvarne neovisnosti, podrška vašem spokoju kod kuće, vašem miru u inozemstvu, vašoj sigurnosti vašeg prosperiteta upravo toj slobodi koju tako visoko cijenite. No, kako je lako predvidjeti da će, iz različitih uzroka i s različitih strana, biti uloženi mnogi napori, upotrijebljene mnoge umjetnosti kako bi vam oslabile uvjerenje o ovoj istini, jer je to točka vaše političke tvrđave protiv koje se unutarnji i vanjski neprijatelji bit će konstantno i najaktivnije (iako često prikriveno i podmuklo) usmjeravani, u beskonačnom je trenutku potrebno pravilno procijeniti ogromnu vrijednost vašeg nacionalnog sindikata za vašu kolektivnu i individualnu sreću da biste trebali njegovati srdačnu, uobičajenu i nepomična privrženost tome navikavajući se da o njoj mislite i govorite kao o paladiju svoje političke sigurnosti i prosperiteta koji s ljubomornom tjeskobom bdije nad njenim očuvanjem i odvraća sve što može ukazivati ​​na sumnju da se u svakom slučaju može napustiti i ogorčeno mrštiti. prvo svitanje svakog pokušaja otuđenja bilo kojeg dijela naše zemlje od ostatka ili slabljenja sakra d veze koje sada povezuju različite dijelove.

    Za to imate svaki poticaj suosjećanja i interesa. Građani, rođenjem ili izborom, zajedničke zemlje, ta zemlja ima pravo koncentrirati vaše osjećaje. Ime Amerikanca, koje vam pripada u vašoj nacionalnoj sposobnosti, mora uvijek uzvisiti pravedni ponos domoljublja više od bilo kojeg naziva koji proizlazi iz lokalne diskriminacije. Uz neznatne razlike, imate istu vjeru, manire, navike i politička načela. Vi ste se u zajedničkom cilju borili i zajedno pobijedili neovisnost i slobodu koje posjedujete djelo su zajedničkih savjeta i zajednički napori zajedničkih opasnosti, patnji i uspjeha.

    No ova razmatranja, koliko god se snažno odnosila na vaš senzibilitet, uvelike su nadjačana onima koji se odmah primjenjuju na vaš interes. Ovdje svaki dio naše zemlje pronalazi najveće motive za brižljivo čuvanje i očuvanje zajedništva cjeline.

    Sjever, u neobuzdanom snošaju s Jugom, zaštićen jednakim zakonima zajedničke vlade, nalazi u produkciji potonje velike dodatne resurse pomorskog i trgovačkog poduzetništva i dragocjene materijale prerađivačke industrije. Jug, u istom snošaju, uz pomoć agencije Sjever, vidi kako njegova poljoprivreda raste, a trgovina raste. Pretvarajući se djelomično u vlastite kanale sjevernih pomoraca, njegova je plovidba osnažena i, iako na različite načine doprinosi njegovanju i povećanju opće mase nacionalne plovidbe, raduje se zaštiti pomorske snage , na koji je i sam nejednako prilagođen. Istok, u sličnom snošaju sa Zapadom, već pronalazi i u progresivnom poboljšanju unutarnjih komunikacija kopnom i vodom sve će više nalaziti vrijedan otvor za robu koju donosi iz inozemstva ili proizvodi kod kuće. Zapad iz Istoka dobiva zalihe potrebne za njegov rast i udobnost, i, što je možda još važnije posljedice, mora nužno zahvaliti sigurnom uživanju u neophodnim prodajnim mjestima za vlastitu proizvodnju težini, utjecaju i budućoj pomorskoj snazi atlantske strane Unije, koju vodi jedna nerazrješiva ​​interesna zajednica kao jedna nacija. Bilo koji drugi mandat kojim Zapad može imati tu bitnu prednost, bilo da je proizašao iz vlastite zasebne snage, ili iz otpadničke i neprirodne veze sa bilo kojom stranom silom, mora biti suštinski nesiguran.

    Iako, dakle, svaki dio naše zemlje osjeća neposredan i poseban interes za sjedinjenje, svi dijelovi zajedno ne mogu a da u ujedinjenoj masi sredstava i napora ne nađu veću snagu, veći resurs, razmjerno veću sigurnost od vanjske opasnosti, manje česti prekidi njihova mira od strane stranih nacija i, što je od neprocjenjive vrijednosti, moraju iz sindikata izvući izuzeće od tih tučnjava i međusobnih ratova, koji tako često pogađaju susjedne zemlje koje ne povezuju iste vlade, a koje njihovi vlastiti suparnički brodovi sam bi bio dovoljan za proizvodnju, ali koji bi suprotni strani savezi, vezanosti i intrige potaknuli i ogorčili. Stoga će, također, izbjeći potrebu onih zaraslih vojnih ustanova koje su, pod bilo kojim oblikom vladavine, nepovoljne za slobodu i koje se trebaju smatrati posebno neprijateljskim prema republikanskoj slobodi. U tom je smislu da se vaše sjedinjenje treba smatrati glavnim osloncem vaše slobode i da vam ljubav jednoga mora dopasti očuvanje drugoga.

    Ta razmatranja govore uvjerljivim jezikom svakom reflektirajućem i kreposnom umu i pokazuju nastavak Unije kao primarnog objekta domoljubne želje. Ima li sumnje može li zajednička vlada obuhvatiti tako veliku sferu? Neka iskustvo to riješi. Slušanje pukih nagađanja u takvom slučaju bilo je kriminalno. Ovlašteni smo se nadati da će odgovarajuća organizacija cjeline s pomoćnom vladinom agencijom za odgovarajuće pododjele priuštiti sretno pitanje eksperimentu. Vrijedno je poštenog i potpunog eksperimenta. S takvim snažnim i očitim motivima sindikata koji utječu na sve dijelove naše zemlje, iako iskustvo nije pokazalo njegovu neizvedivost, uvijek će postojati razlog za nepovjerenje u domoljublje onih koji bi u bilo kojem kvartalu mogli nastojati oslabiti njegove bendove.

    Razmišljajući o uzrocima koji bi mogli uznemiriti našu Uniju, ozbiljno zabrinjava činjenica da je bilo potrebno dati bilo kakav temelj za okarakteriziranje stranaka prema zemljopisnoj diskriminaciji, sjevernoj i južnoj, atlantskoj i zapadnoj, odakle bi dizajneri mogli nastojati pobuditi uvjerenje da postoji stvarna razlika lokalnih interesa i pogleda. Jedan od sredstava stranke za stjecanje utjecaja unutar pojedinih okruga jest pogrešno predstavljanje mišljenja i ciljeva drugih okruga. Ne možete se previše zaštititi od ljubomore i žgaravice koje izviru iz ovih lažnih prikaza koje oni imaju tendenciju međusobno učiniti strancima one koje bi trebala vezati bratska naklonost. Stanovnici naše zapadne zemlje u posljednje su vrijeme imali korisnu pouku o ovoj glavi koju su vidjeli, u pregovorima izvršne vlasti i u jednoglasnoj ratifikaciji Senata, ugovora sa Španjolskom i općem zadovoljstvu tim događajem, diljem Sjedinjenih Država, odlučujući dokaz koliko su među njima propagirane sumnje o politici u općoj vladi i u atlantskim državama neprijateljskim prema njihovim interesima u pogledu Mississippija, bili su svjedoci sklapanja dva ugovora, Velika Britanija, i to sa Španjolskom, koja im osigurava sve što mogu poželjeti, u pogledu naših vanjskih odnosa, prema potvrđivanju njihovog prosperiteta. Neće li im biti pametno osloniti se na očuvanje tih prednosti na Uniju kojom su stečene? Neće li odsada biti gluhi za te savjetnike, ako ih ima, koji bi ih odvojili od braće i povezali s vanzemaljcima?

    Za djelotvornost i trajnost vašeg sindikata neophodna je vlada u cjelini. Nijedan savez, koliko god bio strog, između dijelova ne može biti odgovarajuća zamjena, oni moraju neizbježno doživjeti prekršaje i prekide koje su doživjeli svi savezi u svim vremenima. Osjećajući ovu važnu istinu, poboljšali ste svoj prvi esej usvajanjem državnog ustava bolje izračunate od vašeg bivšeg za intimnu zajednicu i za učinkovito rješavanje vaših zajedničkih briga. Ova vlada, izdanak po našem vlastitom izboru, bez utjecaja i neshvaćenosti, usvojena nakon potpune istrage i zrelog vijećanja, potpuno slobodna u svojim načelima, u raspodjeli svojih ovlasti, ujedinjujući sigurnost s energijom i koja u sebi sadrži odredbu za vlastiti amandman , ima pravedno pravo na vaše povjerenje i vašu podršku. Poštivanje njezinog autoriteta, poštivanje njegovih zakona, pristajanje na njegove mjere dužnosti su koje određuju temeljne maksime istinske slobode. Temelj naših političkih sustava je pravo ljudi da donose i mijenjaju svoje ustave vlasti. Ali Ustav koji u svakom trenutku postoji, dok se ne promijeni izričitim i autentičnim činom cijelog naroda, za sve je obvezan. Sama ideja moći i prava naroda da uspostavi vlast pretpostavlja dužnost svakog pojedinca da se pokorava uspostavljenoj vlasti.

    Sve prepreke u provedbi zakona, sve kombinacije i udruženja, bez obzira na uvjerljiv karakter, sa stvarnim planom usmjeravanja, kontrole, suprotstavljanja ili strahopoštovanja redovitom promišljanju i djelovanju konstituiranih vlasti, destruktivne su za ovo temeljno načelo, i fatalne sklonosti. Oni služe za organiziranje frakcija, za davanje umjetne i izvanredne snage da umjesto delegirane volje nacije stavi volju stranke, često male, ali umješne i poduzetne manjine zajednice, a prema zamjenici trijumfe različitih stranaka, kako bi javna uprava bila ogledalo loše usklađenih i neskladnih projekata frakcije, a ne organ dosljednih i cjelovitih planova koje su probavili zajednički savjetnici i izmijenili zajednički interesi.

    Međutim, kombinacije ili asocijacije gornjeg opisa mogu s vremena na vrijeme odgovarati na popularne ciljeve, vjerojatno će tijekom vremena i stvari postati snažni motori, pomoću kojih će lukavi, ambiciozni i neprincipijelni ljudi moći podrivati ​​moć narod i da sebi uzurpiraju uzde vlasti, uništavajući potom i same motore koji su ih doveli do nepravedne vlasti.

    U cilju očuvanja vaše vlade i trajnosti vašeg sadašnjeg sretnog stanja, potrebno je ne samo da se stalno odričete neregularnih suprotstavljanja njenom priznatom autoritetu, već i da se s oprezom odupirete duhu inovativnosti prema njezinim načelima, koliko god dražesni bili izgovori. Jedna od metoda napada može biti vršenje, u oblicima Ustava, izmjena koje će narušiti energiju sustava, a time i potkopati ono što se ne može izravno srušiti. U svim promjenama na koje vas mogu pozvati imajte na umu da su vrijeme i navika barem toliko potrebni da se popravi pravi karakter vlada kao i drugih ljudskih institucija da je iskustvo najsigurniji standard kojim se može ispitati stvarna tendencija postojećeg ustava zemlje koja pogoduje promjenama, zaslugom puke hipoteze i mišljenja, izlaže se vječnim promjenama, od beskrajne raznolikosti hipoteza i mišljenja, i imajte na umu, posebno, da za učinkovito upravljanje vašim zajedničkim interesima, u tako velikoj zemlji kao što je naša, vlada snažne koliko je dosljedna savršenoj sigurnosti slobode neophodna je. Sloboda će u takvoj vladi, s propisno raspoređenim i prilagođenim ovlastima, pronaći svog najsigurnijeg čuvara. To je, doista, samo ime, u kojem je vlada previše slaba da se suprotstavi poduzećima frakcija, da ograniči svakog člana društva u granicama propisanim zakonima i da sve zadrži u sigurnom i spokojnom uživanju. prava lica i imovine.

    Već sam vam nagovijestio opasnost stranaka u državi, s posebnim osvrtom na njihovo utemeljenje na zemljopisnoj diskriminaciji. Dopustite mi sada da obuhvatim sveobuhvatniji stav i upozorim vas na najsvečaniji način protiv zlih učinaka duha zabave općenito.

    Taj je duh, nažalost, neodvojiv od naše prirode, ima korijen u najjačim strastima ljudskog uma. Postoji u različitim oblicima u svim vladama, manje ili više ugušen, kontroliran ili potisnut, ali, u onima popularnog oblika, vidi se u svom najvećem položaju i doista je njihov najveći neprijatelj.

    Naizmjenična dominacija jedne frakcije nad drugom, izoštrena duhom osvete, prirodna za stranačku neslogu, koja je u različitim razdobljima i zemljama činila najstrašnije grozote, sama je po sebi zastrašujući despotizam. No to dugo vodi do formalnijeg i trajnijeg despotizma. Poremećaji i bijede koji rezultiraju postupno tjeraju umove ljudi da traže sigurnost i počivaju u apsolutnoj moći pojedinca, a prije ili kasnije šef neke prevladavajuće frakcije, sposobniji ili sretniji od svojih konkurenata, okreće ovo raspoloženje prema ciljevima vlastitog uzvišenja, na ruševinama javne slobode.

    Ne radujući se ekstremu ove vrste (koji ipak ne bi trebao biti potpuno izvan vidokruga), uobičajeni i stalni nestašluci stranačkog duha dovoljni su da ga interes i dužnost mudrog naroda obeshrabre i obuzdaju .

    Uvijek služi odvraćanju pažnje javnih vijeća i slabljenju javne uprave. Uznemiruje zajednicu neutemeljenim ljubomorama i lažnim uzbunama, raspiruje neprijateljstvo jednog dijela prema drugom, povremeno izaziva pobune i pobune. Otvara vrata stranom utjecaju i korupciji koja pronalazi olakšan pristup samoj vladi putem stranačkih strasti. Tako se politika i volja jedne zemlje podvrgavaju politici i volji druge.

    Postoji mišljenje da su stranke u slobodnim zemljama korisna provjera upravljanja vladom i služe za očuvanje duhovnog slobode. To je u određenim granicama vjerojatno točno i u vladama monarhističke postave patriotizam može s popustljivošću gledati, ako ne s naklonošću, na duh stranke. Ali u onima popularnog karaktera, u vladama koje su isključivo izborne, to je duh koji se ne smije poticati. Prema njihovoj prirodnoj sklonosti, sigurno je da će tog duha uvijek biti dovoljno za svaku spasonosnu svrhu. A budući da postoji stalna opasnost od prekomjernosti, napor bi trebao biti učinjen silom javnog mnijenja, kako bi se to ublažilo i ublažilo. Da bi se vatra ugasila, potrebna je ujednačena budnost kako bi se spriječilo njezino izbijanje u plamen, kako se umjesto zagrijavanja ne bi trebala potrošiti.

    Isto tako, važno je da navike razmišljanja u slobodnoj zemlji trebaju izazvati oprez kod onih kojima je povjerena uprava, da se ograniče unutar svojih ustavnih sfera, izbjegavajući u vršenju ovlasti jednog odjela da zadiru u drugi. Duh zadiranja nastoji učvrstiti ovlasti svih odjela u jednom i tako stvoriti, bez obzira na oblik vladavine, pravi despotizam. Pravedna procjena te ljubavi prema moći i sklonosti zlouporabi, koja prevladava u ljudskom srcu, dovoljna je da nas uvjeri u istinitost ovog stava. Nužnost uzajamnih provjera u vršenju političke moći, podjelom i raspodjelom na različite depozitere, te čineći svakog čuvara javnog dobra protiv invazija drugih, potvrđena je eksperimentima drevnim i modernim, neki od njih u našoj zemlji i pod vlastitim očima. Njihovo očuvanje mora biti jednako potrebno kao i njihovo uspostavljanje. Ako je, prema mišljenju ljudi, raspodjela ili izmjena ustavnih ovlasti u bilo kojem posebnom smislu pogrešna, neka se to ispravi amandmanom na način koji Ustav propisuje. No neka uzurpacijom ne dođe do promjene, jer iako je to, u jednom slučaju, instrument dobra, to je uobičajeno oružje kojim se uništavaju slobodne vlade. Presedan uvijek mora u velikoj mjeri izbalansirati u trajnom zlu bilo koju djelomičnu ili prolaznu korist, koju upotreba može u svakom trenutku donijeti.

    Od svih sklonosti i navika koje vode do političkog prosperiteta, religija i moral neophodni su oslonci. Uzalud bi taj čovjek tražio danak patriotizma, koji bi se trebao potruditi potkopati ove velike stupove ljudske sreće, ove najčvršće osnove dužnosti ljudi i građana. Samo političar, jednako kao i pobožni čovjek, trebao bi ih poštovati i njegovati. Svezak nije mogao pratiti sve njihove veze s privatnom i javnom srećom. Neka se jednostavno upita: Gdje je sigurnost imovine, ugleda, života, ako osjećaj vjerske obveze napusti zakletve koje su instrumenti istrage na sudovima? I dopustimo s oprezom pretpostavku da se moral može održati bez religije. Što god se moglo priznati utjecaju profinjenog obrazovanja na umove osebujne strukture, razum i iskustvo zabranjuju nam očekivanje da nacionalni moral može prevladati isključujući religijski princip.

    U biti je istina da su vrlina ili moral nužno vrelo narodne vlasti. Pravilo se, doista, s manje ili više sile proteže na svaku vrstu slobodne vlasti. Tko mu je iskreni prijatelj, može ravnodušno gledati na pokušaje da se poljulja temelj tkanine?

    Zatim promovirati, kao objekt od primarne važnosti, institucije za opću širenje znanja. S obzirom na to da struktura vlade daje snagu javnom mnijenju, bitno je da se javno mnijenje prosvijetli.

    Kao vrlo važan izvor snage i sigurnosti, njegujte javni kredit. Jedna od metoda očuvanja je da se koristi što je moguće štedljivije, izbjegavajući prilike trošenja njegovanjem mira, ali imajući u vidu i da pravovremene isplate radi pripreme za opasnost često sprječavaju mnogo veće isplate kako bi se ona odbila, izbjegavajući nakupljanje duga, ne samo izbjegavanjem prilika u troškovima, ali snažnim naporima u vrijeme mira za otplatu dugova koje su neizbježni ratovi mogli izazvati, a ne izdašno bacajući na potomstvo teret koji bismo sami trebali podnijeti. Izvršenje ovih maksima pripada vašim predstavnicima, no potrebno je da javno mnijenje surađuje. Kako biste im olakšali obavljanje svoje dužnosti, bitno je da imate na umu da praktički morate imati na umu da za plaćanje dugova moraju postojati prihodi koji za ostvarenje prihoda moraju postojati porezi koji se ne mogu oblikovati, a koji nisu veći ili manji inconvenient and unpleasant that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

    Observe good faith and justice towards all nations cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it - It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

    In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.

    So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

    As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

    The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

    It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

    Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

    Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences consulting the natural course of things diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

    In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

    How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

    In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

    After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

    The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

    The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

    The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

    Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

    Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.


    2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment "Cold Steel"

    In 2007, the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment was reactivated as part of the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division at Fort Lewis, Washington. Previously, it had been assigned to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team at Fort Wainwright, Alaska. There its mission had been to, on order, deploy worldwide, secure a lodgment, and conduct combat operations in support of US national interests.

    The 1st Infantry Regiment draws its lineage from a distinguished line of post Revolutionary War Infantry Regiments. The 1st Infantry Regiment was originally constituted in the Regular Army as the 2nd Infantry Regiment in March 1791. 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment traces its lineage back to a company of the 2nd Infantry. The 1st Infantry was redesignated in 1792 as the 2nd Sub-Legion, with the unit becoming a company of that formation. The 2nd Sub-Legion then took part in the battle of Fallen Timbers, the first victory for the post-Revolutionary Army. After the Legion system was disbanded the Regiment once again became the 2nd Infantry Regiment on 31 October 1796. In the War of 1812 the 2nd Infantry Regiment, as well as the 7th and 44th Infantry Regiments, fought in the southern theater to include the Battle of New Orleans with General Jackson.

    In 1815 the Army underwent a draw-down. Between May and October 1815, the 2nd, 7th, and 44th Regiments were consolidated into the 1st Infantry Regiment. On 21 August 1816 the company that 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry traces its lineage to was designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. In the ensuing years the Regiment was primarily concerned with Indian conflicts. The 1st Infantry was involved in the Black Hawk War of 1832 and the Second Seminole War from 1839 to 1842. During this time the Regiment was commanded by one of its most famous commanders, Colonel Zachary Taylor, who would later become the 12th President of the United States.

    When War broke out with Mexico in 1846 the 1st Infantry Regiment was sent across the border with General Zachary Taylor's Army and participated in the storming of Monterrey where the Regiment fought house to house in savage hand to hand combat. From Monterrey the Regiment was transferred to General Winfield Scott's command and participated in the first modern amphibious landing in American history at Vera Cruz in 1847.

    Following the Mexican War, the Regiment campaigned in the Texas area against the Comanches until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861. After escaping from rebel forces in Texas, the Regiment returned to the Mid-west and fought in the Mississippi area of operations. The Regiment fought in one of the first battles of the Civil War at Wilson's Creek, Missouri in 1862. The 1st Infantry then campaigned with General Grant against Vicksburg in 1863. The end of the War found the Regiment garrisoning New Orleans.

    After the Civil War the Regiment was sent West to fight the Indians once again. Company B, 1st Infantry was consolidated in April 1869 with Company B, 43rd Infantry, Veteran Reserve Corps (which had been first constituted 21 September 1866), and the consolidated unit remained designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. The 1st Infantry campaigned against the Sioux in the 1870's and 1890's and against the Apache, led by Geronimo, from 1882 to 1886. After the end of the Indian wars the Regiment was occupied with quelling labor disputes in California.

    War was declared with Spain in 1898 following the sinking of the USS Maine. The 1st Infantry was quickly sent to Florida where it embarked on ships and was sent to Cuba. While in Cuba the Regiment took part in the storming of the San Juan Heights and the capture of Santiago.

    In 1900, following occupation duty in Cuba, the Regiment was preparing for shipment to China to save foreigners threatened by the Boxer Rebellion. Instead, the Regiment was detoured to deal with the rebellion on the Philippine Islands, which had also been captured by the United States in the Spanish-American War. The Regiment would fight in this vicious guerrilla war in the jungles of the Philippines from 1900-1902 and again from 1906-1908.

    The 1st Infantry was assigned on 11 September 1918 to the 13th Division and relieved on 8 March 1919 from assignment to the 13th Division. It was then assigned on 27 July 1921 to the 2nd Division. It was relieved on 16 October 1939 from assignment to the 2nd Division and assigned to the 6th Division (later redesignated as the 6th Infantry Division).

    The Regiment's next action came in World War II as part of the 6th Infantry Division. The 1st Infantry participated in the destruction of Japanese forces on New Guinea in 1943, winning a Presidential Unit Citation for its action at Maffin Bay. The Regiment then participated in MacArthur's celebrated return to the Philippines in January 1945. After the war the Regiment was sent to Korea for occupation duty until it was deactivated on 10 January 1949.

    In 1950, the Regiment was reactivated at Fort Ord, California as a training regiment for units being sent to the fight in Korea. In 1956 the Regiment was assigned to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. Company B, 1st Infantry was inactivated on 15 May 1958 at West Point, New York, relieved from assignment to the United States Military Academy, and redesignated as Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Battle Group, 1st Infantry with its organic elements concurrently constituted. The Battle Group was assigned on 17 March 1958 to the 2nd Infantry Division and activated on 14 June 1958 at Fort Benning, Georgia. The unit was inactivated on 10 May 1963 at Fort Benning, Georgia, and relieved from assignment to the 2nd Infantry Division.

    The unit was redesignated on 10 September 1965 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry, and assigned to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate). It was activated on 15 September 1965 at Fort Devens, Massachusetts. In 1966, 2-1st Infantry was shipped to Vietnam with the rest of the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) where it would fight for the next 6 years. During this time the Regiment fought in 14 campaigns to include the bloody Tet Offensive. The unit was relieved during its service in Vietnam on 15 February 1969 from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) and assigned to the 23rd Infantry Division. It was later relieved on 1 November 1971 from assignment to the 23rd Infantry Division and assigned back to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

    Following its tour of duty in Vietnam the Battalion was sent to Fort Lewis, Washington, where it became part of the 9th Infantry Division on 21 July 1972, having been relieved from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

    On 16 February 1991, the Battalion became part of the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate) at Fort Polk, Louisiana, where it remained until inactivation in 1994. At that time it was relieved from assignment to the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate). On 16 December 1995 the Battalion was reactivated at Fort Wainwright as part of the 6th Infantry Division (Light). It was relieved on 16 April 1998 from assignment to the 6th Infantry Division and assigned to the 172d Infantry Brigade (later redesignated as the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team).

    The unit was redesignated on 1 October 2005 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment. It was inactivated on 16 December 2006 at Fort Wainwright, Alaska, and relieved from assignment to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team. It was assigned on 17 April 2007 to the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division, and activated at Fort Lewis, Washington. In July 2010, 5th Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division was inactivated and reflagged as the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, to which 2-1st Infantry was assigned.


    636th Tank Destroyer Battalion

    Unit History: Activated on 15 December, 1941, at Camp Bowie, Texas. Arrived at Oran, Algeria, on 13 April, 1943. Landed at Paestum, Italy, beginning 13 September, 1943. Elements performed artillery missions, guarded Fifth Army CP, and trained British troops on M10 and TD doctrine in October and November. Reentered line in Mignano sector in late November, supporting assault on San Pietro. Supported Rapido River crossing in January, 1944. Entered Cassino sector in February. Transferred to Anzio beachhead in May. Entered Rome on 4 June. Landed in southern France on 15 August. First unit to enter Lyon and to reach the Moselle River in September. Engaged in the Vosges Mountain region beginning in October. Relieved 601st TD Battalion in Strasbourg in December. Battled German Northwind offensive in January and February, 1945. Converted to M36 beginning late February. Struck Siegfried Line near Wissembourg in late March. Crossed Rhine with 14th Armored Division in April, dashed toward Nürnberg. Ended war in southern Bavaria near Tegernsee. Attached to: 14th Armored Division 36th Infantry Division. History text from the book The Tank Killers by Harry Yeide. Used by permission.

    Combat Equipment: 9/43 - M10 3/45 - M36.

    Commanding Officers: Lt. Col. Van W. Pyland Maj. Regan L. Dubose (4/21/44) Lt. Col. Charles F. Wilber (6/44, WIA 3/17/45) Lt. Col. Edward Purdy (9/27/44 Temporary Duty till Lt. Col. Wilbur's return) Maj. Richard A. Danzi (3/17/45) Lt. Col. James W. Fry (4/13/44 thru 4/21/44)

    Code Name/s: Shamrock

    Campaign Credits: Naples - Foggia. Sept. 9, 1943 to Jan. 21, 1944

    Anzio. Jan. 22, to May 24, 1944

    Rome Arno. Jan. 22, to Sept. 9, 1944

    Southern France. Aug. 15, to Sept. 14, 1944 (Amphib)

    Rhineland. Sept. 15, 1944 to Mar. 21, 1945

    Ardennes-Alsace. Dec. 16, 1944 to Jan 25, 1945

    Central Europe. Mar. 22, to May 11, 1945

    Awards: Croix De Guerre (French or Belgium "Cross of War")

    Location August 1945: Brumath, France

    Additional Information/Materials:

    1.) Seek, Strike, Destroy, the History of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. Written by Thomas M. Sherman, who was a veteran of the 636th, the book has 243 pages and was published in 1986 by Tom, who spent thousands of dollars purchasing unit records, which he then utilized while writing the book. Tom is from Marquette, Nebraska. The book is out of print but can still be purchased through rare and military booksellers. I do have a copy of the book, generously provided to me by Tom. If you have questions, I am willing to take a close look through the book for you.

    2.) Unit Roster - From the book by Tom Sherman and provided here by permission. Please note that the name Robert Burns appears in the roster for Recon. Company. While I can not be sure that there was not a Robert Burns, I do know that T5 John W. Burns was in Recon. Company and his name was ommitted from the list. You can see his Write-up in the Honoree section of the site.

    3.) Combat Highlights, Sept. 3, 1943-May 8, 1945 , 4 pages. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    4.) B Company, 3rd Platoon Personnel List - Provided courtesy of Della Sutton Morris.

    The following documents are from the Combined Arms Research Library of the Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum and Boyhood Home, Abilene, Kansas (*) and Javier Tome (**).

    Sep. 1-20, 1943. 5 Pages (Operation Avalanche)

    Mar. 1-31, 1944. 15 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    May 1-31, 1944. 20 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    Jul. 1-31, 1944. 14 Pages (Includes awards and Officer's roster)

    Aug. 1-31, 1944. 34 Pages (Includes casualties and awards lists)

    Sep. 1-30, 1944. 31 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    March 1-31, 1945 . 23 Pages (Includes casualties, awards, Officer and Hq Co rosters) (**)

    March 2-31, 1945. 75 Pages (Unit Journal)(**) NOTE - Large File

    May 11-31, 1945 . 28 Pages (Includes unit roster) (*)

    8.) Personal Narratives - These were written by a former veteran of the 636th, during the 1980's, in response to questions he recieved from the author doing research for an upcoming book on U. S. tank destroyer forces. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    9.) Miscellaneous Documents-From the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    Co. A at Anzio , narrative by Capt. Robert A. Graham, 1944. 7 Pages
    Unit Commendation, May 25, 1944 . 1 Page
    Articles about a TD named 'Jinx' . 2 Pages
    "The Goering Incident" by Lt. Golden C. Sill, Recon Co. 3 Pages

    11.) Reconnaissance Company - Photo of the the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, possibly taken at Camp Edwards while they were stationed there from October of 1942 to February of 1943. It was provided courtesy of Charles Burns whose father, John W. Burns, served in the unit and is shown in the second row from the front, 21st soldier from the right. Also in the second row is Leo R. Norkewicz, standing 22nd from the left.

    12.) Single Recon. Platoon - Small group photo of one of the Reconnaissance platoons along with the Recon. Company Commander, Cpt. Paul Kinnison, standing in the center. Kinnison was from San Antonio, Texas. John W. Burns is kneeling in front, 3rd soldier from the left. Photo courtesy of Charles Burns.

    13.) Video Clip, Members of the 636th TD Bn. - It has been identified to me that members of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion can be seen crossing a bridge in both the trailer and the actual documentary "The Long Way Home". The 1997 film is an Academy Award winner by Koch Lorber Films. Bret Lyon's father, Robert Lyon, who served in the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, can be seen walking in the group of men. Bret saw his father quite by accident as he viewed the film. He has provided a link to the trailer, which is included above.

    14.) The Stokes Twins Ride The Oklahoma Widecat: WWII in Europe - Is a 163 page book by author Madlyn V. Stokes about Claude H. Stokes and his twin brother Clyde T. Stokes, who both served in the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. The book was published in 2003 and covers their pre and post-war lives. We do not have a copy of the book but it can be purchased from Amazon, which is where the our link takes you.

    15.) Small Group Photo - A group of men from the 636th pose for a photo during the occupation period. Their placard identifies them as the "Goons". Photo courtesy of Margaret Pickett whose father Frank L. Pickett joined the unit during the occupational period from the 55th Armored Engineers Battalion.

    16.) From the Riviera to Zell Am See, A Texas Soldier's Story - Book written by Sgt. Rufus Lester Leggett, which is a memoir of his service with the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion.

    17.) Interview with Rufus Lester Leggett - A detailed inte rview on Leggett's participation in the surrender of Hermann Goering on May 7, 1945.


    Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796 - History

    This is a finding aid. It is a description of archival material held in the Wilson Library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Unless otherwise noted, the materials described below are physically available in our reading room, and not digitally available through the World Wide Web. See the Duplication Policy section for more information.

    Funding from the State Library of North Carolina supported the encoding of this finding aid.

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    Veličina 1.5 feet of linear shelf space (approximately 200 items)
    Abstract William Lea (1777?-1873), was a merchant of Leasburg, N.C. He had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon's six daughters included Adeline, Lilianne, Eugenia, and Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The collection includes letters, 1812-1820s, consisting of family correspondence of William Lea (1777?-1873) and his brothers, Vincent and James, all merchants, writing from Leasburg, N.C., Petersburg and Norfolk, Va., and New York City, chiefly about business matters, prices, economic conditions, debts, current news, and other topics. Letters, 1820s-1850s, are chiefly between William Lea and his children and among the children. Willis M. Lea wrote from Philadelphia, where he was studying medicine, and later from Holly Springs, Miss. Solomon Lea was a student at the University of North Carolina and later lived at Boydton, Farmville, and Greensboro, N.C. Letters from 1861 onwards are chiefly correspondence of the daughters of Solomon Lea, most written by Wilhelmina from the various places where she taught school, including Louisburg, Olin, and other places in North Carolina and Murfreesboro, Tenn., and at the Marshall Institute in Mississippi. Volumes are ledgers, 1797-1803, of William Lea (1751-1806), merchant of Leasburg and uncle of William (1777?-1873) school accounts, 1853-1862, of Solomon Lea, who taught at Somerville Seminary and founded Somerville Female Institute in Leasburg and was president of Greensboro College, 1846-1857 and reminiscences and a 19-volume diary, 1872-1934, of Wilhelmina Lea.
    Creator Lea family.
    Jezik English
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    Expand/collapse Subject Headings

    The following terms from Library of Congress Subject Headings suggest topics, persons, geography, etc. interspersed through the entire collection the terms do not usually represent discrete and easily identifiable portions of the collection--such as folders or items.

    Clicking on a subject heading below will take you into the University Library's online catalog.

    • Account books.
    • Diaries.
    • Education--North Carolina--History--19th century.
    • Family--North Carolina--Social life and customs.
    • Greensboro College (N.C.)--History.
    • Lea family.
    • Lea, James, fl. 1812-1830.
    • Lea, Lorenzo.
    • Lea, Solomon, 1807-1897.
    • Lea, Vincent, fl. 1812-1830.
    • Lea, Wilhelmina, 1843-1936.
    • Lea, William, 1751-1806.
    • Lea, William, 1777?-1873.
    • Lea, Willis M., fl. 1826-1940.
    • Leasburg (N.C.)--History--19th Century.
    • Medicine--Study and teaching--United States--History--19th Century.
    • Merchants--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
    • New York (N.C.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Norfolk (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Petersburg (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Physicians--Mississippi--History--19th Century.
    • Somerville Female Institute (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
    • Somerville Seminary (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
    • Teachers--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
    • Woman--North Carolina--Diaries.
    • Women teachers--North Carolina--History.
    • Women--North Carolina--Social life and customs.

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    William Lea (1777?-1873), merchant at Leasburg, N.C., was the son of Gabriel Lea (1756-1834). Gabriel also had a brother William who was a merchant.

    William Lea (1777?-1873) had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon was president of Greensboro Female College, 1846-1847, and operated the Somerville Female Institute at Leasburg from its founding in 1848 until 1892. William Lea, Jr., was a merchant at Petersburg, Va. Addison was also a Methodist teacher and preacher, mostly in Tennessee William's daughter Anness was the wife of Yancey Wiley of Oxford, Miss.

    Solomon's six daughters, including Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The other daughters were: Anness Sophia, who married Leon Richmond Henrietta, who married M. C. Thomas Adeline, who married B. L. Arnold) Lilianne, who married T. C. Neal and Eugenia, who married Calvin G. Lea. One son died in infancy and one son never married. Three of Eugenia and Calvin G. Lea's daughters married Dunlaps.


    Historical Notes:

    Description of the Insignia: Designed by the crew, the ship's insignia includes a classic profile of America's first president, a band of thirteen stars representing the original colonies and the crossed flags of freedom, all encircled by an unbroken rope representing the solidarity of the crew. The ship's motto, "The Spirit of Freedom," was used by George Washington in a letter to a fellow patriot during the Revolution to describe the mood of the people.


    Povijest

    HMS Surprise, originally under french service the Unite, was designed by Pierre-Alexandre Forfait and was designated as a corvette under french service. The Unite launched on the 16th of January 1794.

    On 20 March 1794, lieutenant de vaisseau Jean le Drézénec, who was 41 years old and had entered the naval service soon after the revolution from a career in the merchant service, arrived to take command of Unité. He supervised the fitting out of the ship, and found the long guns were too large to be easily reloaded, and the lower sails were also too large. He notified the authorities, who urged him to finish fitting out the ship because a major naval operation was imminent. Soon afterwards, Unité took part in the battle of the Glorious First of June by escorting the dismasted Révolutionnaire as she was towed by the Audacieux. In June 1794 Unité completed repairs in Saint-Malo and Brest to damage she had sustained in the battle. In the following months she escorted merchant vessels along the coasts of France. On 28 September, with the corvette Bergere and under the command of Lieutenant de Vaisseau Gouley, the two ships left Brest to sail northwest in between Ireland and the islands of the Hebrides and St Kilda to intercept enemy merchant ships. On 17 October, the ships captured a 200 ton merchant ship Dianne. The next day the weather turned foul and the two ships were separated. Unwilling or unable to continue the mission alone, Unité searched for Bergere fruitlessly for sixteen days before finally returning to Brest on 1 November.

    After repairs, Unité was ordered to join the Mediterranean fleet at Toulon, and arrived there in March 1795. She spent the remainder of the year either blockaded in port or serving as a courier. In April 1796, she was ordered on one such courier mission to North Africa to deliver personnel and messages to the port of Bône. At the time, Le Drézénec, who had been recently promoted to capitaine de frégate, was suffering from smallpox and was incapacitated. Consequently, her first lieutenant, Lieutenant Le Breton, commanded Unité. Captain Thomas Fremantle in command of the frigate HMS Inconstant had heard there was a French frigate in Bône, and sailed to intercept her. When Unité arrived in the afternoon of 20 April 1796, the watch aboard Unité identified Inconstant as a neutral vessel and Le Breton did not clear the ship for action. About an hour later, Inconstant sailed alongside, boarded and captured Unité intact. About a year after capture, Unité was renamed HMS Surprise because another French ship also named Unité had already been taken into the navy. Surprise was re-classed by the British as a 28-gun sixth-rate frigate, though she carried twenty-four 32-pounder carronades on her main deck, eight 32-pounders on her quarter- and fore- decks and two (or four) long 6-pound cannons as chasers. As in the French Navy, this led to difficulty in her rating, considered a fifth rate from 1797-98 but a sixth rate the rest of her commission. Also, she bore the main-mast of a 36-gun ship, just as unusual as her large armament.

    Under Captain Edward Hamilton, Surprise sailed in the Caribbean for several years, capturing several privateers. Surprise gained fame for the cutting-out expedition in 1799 of HMS Hermione. Hermione's crew had mutinied, and had sailed her into the Spanish possession of Puerto Cabello. Captain Edward Hamilton of Surprise led a boarding party to retake Hermione and, after an exceptionally bloody action, sailed her out under Spanish gunfire. The Spanish casualties included 119 dead 231 were taken prisoner, while another 15 jumped or fell overboard. Hamilton had 11 injured, four seriously, but none killed.

    After the Treaty of Amiens, the Royal Navy sold Surprise out of the service at Deptford in February 1802 and she was broken up.


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