Manifest Destiny

Manifest Destiny



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Kalifornija će vjerojatno iduće godine otpasti od labave adhezije koja u takvoj zemlji kao što je Meksiko drži udaljenu provinciju u blago dvosmislenoj vrsti ovisnosti o metropoli. Imbecilan i rastresen, Meksiko nikada ne može imati nikakvu stvarnu državnu vlast nad takvom zemljom. Nemoć jednoga i udaljenost drugog moraju odnos učiniti virtualnom neovisnošću; osim ako, usporavanjem područja prirodnog rasta i zabranom useljavanja koje samo može razviti svoje sposobnosti i ispuniti ciljeve svog stvaranja, tiranija ne može zadržati vojnu vlast, što nije vlada u legitimnom smislu tog izraza.

U slučaju Kalifornije to je sada nemoguće. Anglosaksonsko podnožje već je na svojim granicama. Već je prethodnica neodoljive vojske anglosaksonske emigracije počela padati na nju, naoružana plugom i puškom i obilježavajući joj trag školama i fakultetima, sudovima i reprezentativnim dvoranama, mlinovima i kućama za sastanke. Stanovništvo će uskoro biti u stvarnoj okupaciji Kalifornije, nad kojom će Meksiku biti besposleno sanjati o vladavini. Oni će se nužno osamostaliti. Sve to bez posredstva naše vlade, bez odgovornosti našeg naroda - u prirodnom tijeku događaja, spontanom djelovanju principa i prilagođavanju tendencija i želja ljudskog roda elementarnim okolnostima usred kojih nalaze sami postavljeni.

I imat će pravo na neovisnost - na samoupravu - na posjed domova osvojenih iz divljine vlastitim radom i opasnostima, patnjama i žrtvama - bolje i istinitije pravo od umjetne titule suverenosti u Meksiku, tisuću milja daleko, naslijedivši od Španjolske titulu dobru samo protiv onih koji nemaju ništa bolje. Njihovo pravo na neovisnost bit će prirodno pravo samouprave koja pripada bilo kojoj zajednici koja je dovoljno jaka da je održi - različita po položaju, podrijetlu i karakteru, bez ikakvih međusobnih obveza članstva u zajedničkom političkom tijelu, obvezujući ga za druge dužnost lojalnosti i kompakt javne vjere. To će biti njihov naslov neovisnosti; i po ovom naslovu nema sumnje da se stanovništvo sada brzo slijeće prema Kaliforniji

će i potvrditi i održati tu neovisnost.

Hoće li se onda pridružiti našoj Uniji ili ne, ne može se sa sigurnošću predvidjeti. Ako se predviđena željeznica preko kontinenta do Pacifika ne provede u djelo, možda neće; iako ni u tom slučaju nije daleko dan kada bi se carstva Atlantika i Pacifika ponovno spojila u jedno, čim bi im se unutarnja granica približila. No, to veliko djelo, kolosalno kako se čini planom na njegovu prvu sugestiju, ne može ostati dugo neizgrađeno.

Njegova je nužnost upravo za tu svrhu vezanja i držanja zajedno u željeznoj kopči naše brzo naseljavajuće pacifičke regije

ono iz doline Mississippi - prirodni objekt rute - lakoća s kojom se bilo koja količina rada za izgradnju može privući od prenapučenog europskog stanovništva, a koja će se platiti na zemljištu koje je vrijedno napretkom samih radova - i njegova golema korisnost za svjetsku trgovinu sa cijelom istočnom obalom Azije, sama gotovo dovoljna za potporu takve ceste - ova razmatranja daju sigurnost da dan ne može biti udaljen koji će svjedočiti prijevozu predstavnika iz Oregona i Kalifornija do Washingtona u manje vremena nego prije nekoliko godina bili su posvećeni sličnom putovanju onih iz Ohia; dok će magnetski telegraf omogućiti urednicima časopisa Unija San Francisco, Astoria Evening Post, ili Nootka Jutarnje vijesti, za postavljanje tipa prve polovice predsjednikove inauguracije prije nego što će odjeci potonje polovice izumrijeti ispod uzvišenog trijema Kapitola, kako se govorilo s njegovih usana.

Odmaknite se, dakle, uz sve besposlene francuske govore o ravnoteži snaga na američkom kontinentu. Nema rasta u Španjolskoj Americi! Bez obzira na napredak stanovništva u britanskim Kanadama, to je samo zbog njihovog ranog raskida sadašnjeg kolonijalnog odnosa s malim otokom 3000 milja preko Atlantika; uskoro će uslijediti aneksija i predodređeno da nabuja još uvijek nagomilani zamah našeg napretka.

I tko god mogao držati ravnotežu, iako bi trebao baciti u suprotnu ljestvicu sve bajunete i topove, ne samo Francuske i Engleske, nego i cijele Europe, kako bi udario snop o jednostavnu, čvrstu težinu 250, ili 300 milijuna - i američkih milijuna - predodređeno da se okupe ispod lepršanja pruga i zvijezda, u brzoj, ubrzanoj Gospodinovoj 1945. godini!

U ravničarskim i fluvijalnim regijama Mezopotamije Iowa; u velikoj delti koncentriranog debla Mississippija; u čudesnom Pijemontu koji se spušta niz istočno podnožje Stjenovitih planina i prati ih kroz cijeli naš teritorij; i, iznad svega, u uzvišenom prostranstvu ravničarskih ravnica oko kojih su oni okupljeni, kao orlići do krila svoje gospođe, ima beskonačan okus Stvoritelja okupljen u blistavoj slavi najmekše i najsjajnije ljepote svog stvaranja. Niti u manjem izboru i nadilazeći uzvišenost, nije nagomilao prema nebu titanske strukture bazalta koje se nadvijaju nad našim zapadnim primorjem ... Poznavati i cijeniti divnu veličinu i vrijednost ove nove zemlje, slavno je domoljubnom i razumnom. Nijekati njegovu izvrsnost i traduicirati njezinu vrijednost karakteristika je uskog srca i političara koji trguje.

Mirni, mudri čovjek namjerava se dobro poučiti i jasno razumjeti duboke zamisli Providnosti - skenirati veliki volumen prirode - kako bi shvatio, ako je moguće, volju Stvoritelja i s poštovanjem primio ono što mu se može otkriti.

Dva su stoljeća prevrnula našu rasu na ovom kontinentu. Od ničega smo postali 20.000.000. Od ničega smo odrasli u poljoprivredi, trgovini, civilizaciji i prirodnoj snazi, prvi među narodima koji postoje ili u povijesti. Toliko nam je do sada sudbina; do ove točke - obavljeno, ostvareno, izvjesno i ne da se osporavati. S ovog praga čitamo budućnost.

Neprevaziđena sudbina američkog polja je pokoriti kontinent - jurnuti preko golemog polja do Tihog oceana - oživjeti stotine milijuna svojih ljudi i oraspoložiti ih - postaviti princip samouprave na djelu - uzbuditi ove herkulovske mase - uspostaviti novi poredak u ljudskim poslovima - osloboditi porobljene - preporoditi zastarjele nacije - promijeniti tamu u svjetlo - potaknuti san stotinu stoljeća - poučiti stare nacije novoj civilizaciji - potvrditi sudbinu ljudskog roda - prenijeti karijeru čovječanstva do vrhunca - izazvati ponovno rođenje stagnirajućih ljudi - usavršiti znanost - ukrasiti povijest osvajanjem mira - proliti novu i sjajnu slavu čovječanstvo - ujediniti svijet u jednu društvenu obitelj - razriješiti čaroliju tiranije i uzvisiti milosrđe - otkloniti prokletstvo koje opterećuje čovječanstvo i proliti blagoslove po cijelom svijetu. Božanski zadatak! besmrtna misija! Hodimo brzo i radosno otvorenom stazom pred sobom. Neka se svako američko srce širom otvori za domoljublje koje će zasjati neobuzdano, i povjerite se vjerskom vjerom u uzvišenu i veličanstvenu sudbinu svoje voljene zemlje!

Koji je teritorij, gospodine predsjedniče, koji predlažete da otmete Meksiku? Posvećena je u srce Meksikanca mnogim dobro vođenim bitkama sa svojim starim kastiljskim gospodarom. Njegovi Bunker Hills i Saratogas i Yorktowns su tamo! Meksikanac može reći: "Tamo sam iskrvario za slobodu; i hoću li predati taj posvećeni dom svojih naklonosti anglosaksonskim osvajačima? Što oni žele s tim? Oni već imaju Teksas. Oni su se zaposjeli teritorijom između Nueces i Rio Grande. Što još žele? Na što ću svoju djecu istaknuti kao spomen na tu neovisnost koju im ostavljam u nasljeđe kad ta ratišta pređu iz mog posjeda? " Gospodine, da je jedan došao i zatražio Bunker Hill od stanovnika Massachusettsa, da se engleski lav ikada tamo pojavio, postoji li čovjek stariji od trinaest i ispod devedeset godina koji ga ne bi bio spreman dočekati; postoji li rijeka na ovom kontinentu koja ne bi krvarila od krvi; postoji li polje, ali bi bilo natrpano s neukopanim kostima pobijenih Amerikanaca prije nego što su nam ta osvećena bojna polja slobode trebala biti oteta? Ali taj isti Amerikanac odlazi u sestrinsku republiku i govori siromašnom, slabom Meksiku: "Odrecite se svog teritorija, niste dostojni da ga posjedujete; već sam jedan zaustavio, a sve što tražim od vas je da se odreknete drugog?" Engleska je također mogla, u okolnostima koje sam opisao, doći i od nas zahtijevati: "Odustanite od Atlantske padine; odustanite od ovog beznačajnog teritorija od planina Alleghany do mora; to je samo od Mainea do Svete Marije; samo otprilike jednu trećinu vaše Republike i njezin najmanje zanimljiv dio. " Kakav bi bio odgovor? Rekli bi, moramo ovo prepustiti Johnu Bullu. Zašto? "On želi sobu." Senator iz Michigana kaže da ovo mora imati. Zašto, moj dostojni kršćanski brate, na kojem principu pravde? "Želim sobu!"

Gospodine, pogledajte ovo pretvaranje da nemate prostora. S dvadeset milijuna ljudi imate oko tisuću milijuna hektara zemlje, pozivajući nagodbu svakom zamislivom argumentacijom, smanjujući ih na četvrtinu dolara po jutru i dopuštajući svakom čovjeku da čuči gdje želi. Ali senator iz Michigana kaže da ćemo za dvije godine biti dvjesto milijuna i da želimo mjesta. Da sam Meksikanac rekao bih vam: "Zar nemate mjesta u svojoj zemlji da sahranite svoje mrtve ljude? Ako uđete u moju, dočekat ćemo vas krvavim rukama i poželjeti vam dobrodošlicu na gostoljubive grobove."

Sjeverna Amerika predstavlja oku jedan veliki zemljopisni sustav, čiji se svaki dio, pod sadašnjim komunikacijskim mogućnostima, može učiniti pristupačnijim svima drugima nego što su bile izvorne države jedna drugoj u vrijeme kada su osnovale Konfederaciju; uskoro će postati trgovačko središte svijeta. I razdoblje nije nimalo udaljeno, kada će čovjek, s obzirom na vlastite želje i nagone, te popuštajući pod utjecajima zakona jačih od onih koji propisuju umjetne granice, odrediti da bude ujedinjen u političke i prirodne veze, i čine samo jedan politički sustav, i to slobodna, konfederirana, samoupravna republika, predstavljena u zajedničkoj dvorani u velikoj dolini zapada - izlažući divljenom svijetu moćne rezultate koji su postignuti za slobodu na zapadnoj hemisferi .

Tada će se stvoriti savršenija Unija i pravda će se uspostaviti na trajnim temeljima - osiguran je domaći mir, osigurana je zajednička obrana, promiče se opća dobrobit, a potomcima blagoslov slobode.

Naš oblik vladavine izvrsno je prilagođen proširenom carstvu. Utemeljeni u vrlinama i inteligenciji ljudi, a svoje pravedne moći izvode iz pristanka vladanih, njegovi su utjecaji dobri i na dalekim granicama, kao i u političkom središtu.

Za razliku smo od svih zajednica koje su bile prije nas, a ilustracije izvedene iz usporedbe s njima, nepravedne su i pogrešne.

Društveni poredak koji karakterizira naš sustav nije sličan vojnim republikama u drugim vremenima, kao ni religija Spasitelja ljudi Mahometovim nametima. Naš sustav pobjeđuje svojom pravdom, dok je njihov pokušavao zastrašiti svojom moći. Naša teritorijalna granica može obuhvatiti kontinent, naše stanovništvo se učetverostručiti, a broj naših država udvostručiti, bez neugodnosti i opasnosti. Svaki član Konfederacije i dalje bi se uzdržavao i doprinosio svojim utjecajima za opće dobro; svaki bi stup stajao uspravno i davao građevini snagu i ljepotu. U pitanjima nacionalnog zakonodavstva, brojno stanovništvo, prošireni teritorij i raznovrsni interesi nastojali bi reformirati zloupotrebe koje bi inače ostale neobuzdane, očuvati prava država i vratiti tijek zakonodavstva iz centralizma u koji je žureći.


Očigledna sudbina - povijest

Religijsko podrijetlo očite sudbine

Donald M. Scott
Profesor povijesti
Queens College i Graduate Center City University of New York
& copyNacionalni humanistički centar

1845., nepotpisani članak u popularnom američkom časopisu, dugogodišnjoj Jacksonian publikaciji, Demokratska revija, uputio je nepogrešiv poziv na američki ekspanzionizam. Usredotočujući se uglavnom na uključivanje Republike Teksas u uniju, objavila je da širenje predstavlja & ldquotispunjenje naše očite sudbine da rasprostrijemo kontinent koji nam je Providnost dodijelila za slobodan razvoj našeg godišnjeg umnožavanja milijuna. & Rdquo Tako je rođen snažan američki slogan. & ldquoManifest Destiny & rdquo postao je prije svega poziv i opravdanje za američki oblik imperijalizma, te je uredno sažeo ciljeve meksičkog rata. Tvrdilo se da Amerika ima sudbinu, očituje se, tj. Samo se razumije, od Boga da okupira sjevernoamerički kontinent južno od Kanade (također je polagala pravo na teritorij Oregona, uključujući i kanadski dio). & ldquoManifest Destiny & rdquo također je očito bila rasna doktrina nadmoći bijelaca koja nije odobravala nikakve domorodačke Amerikance niti bijelce koji su tražili bilo kakvo trajno posjedovanje zemalja na sjevernoameričkom kontinentu i opravdavala bijeloameričku eksproprijaciju indijskih zemalja. (& ldquoManifest Destiny & rdquo također je bio ključni slogan u američkim & rsquo imperijalnim pothvatima 1890 -ih i ranih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji je doveo do posjeda ili kontrole Havaja i Filipinskih otoka u SAD -u.)

No Manifest Destiny nije bio samo ogrtač američkog imperijalizma i opravdanje za teritorijalne ambicije Amerike i Republike Srpske. Također je bila čvrsto usidrena u dugogodišnjem i dubokom smislu posebne i jedinstvene američke sudbine, uvjerenja da je, prema riječima povjesničara Conrada Cherryja, & ldquoAmerica nacija koju je Bog pozvao na posebnu sudbinu. & Rdquo Pojam da postoji providonosna svrha europskog otkrića i konačnog osvajanja kopnenih masa koje je ldquodotkrio & rdquo Kristofor Kolumbo bio je prisutan od početka. I španjolski i francuski monarhi odobrili su i financirali istraživanje & ldquoNovog svijeta & rdquo jer su, između ostalog, smatrali svojom božanski određenom misijom širenje kršćanstva u Novi svijet pretvaranjem domorodaca u kršćanstvo. Došavši kasnije na pothvat, Britanci, a posebno puritanci iz Nove Engleske, sa sobom su nosili zahtjevan osjećaj providnosti.

John Winthrop, guverner kolonije Massachusetts Bay, dao je najjasniji i najdalekosežniji iskaz ideje da je Bog engleskim doseljenicima u Novoj Engleskoj naložio posebnu i jedinstvenu misiju providura. & ldquoNa Boardeu Arrabelli, na Attlantick Oceanu, Anno 1630, & rdquo Winthrop isporučio je nacrt za ono što je Perry Miller nazvao & ldquoerrand u divljinu & rdquo koji je postavio okvir za većinu kasnijih verzija ideje koju je za ldquoAmericu odabrala posebnu sudbinu. & rdquo Winthrop je održao svoju laičku propovijed neposredno prije nego što su se on i njegovi putnici iskrcali na obali bostonske luke, mjesta, predložio je Winthrop, na koje ih je Bog pozvao da izgrade uzor biblijskog zajedništva za protestante u Engleskoj i drugdje oponašati. & ldquoTako stoji uzrok između Boga i nas. S njim smo sklopili Savez za ovaj posao, uzeli smo povjerenstvo, & rdquo je izjavio, dodajući & ldquoi ako će Gospodin ugoditi da nas usliši i dovede u miru na mjesto koje želimo, a zatim je ratificirao ovaj Savez i zapečatio naše Povjerenstvo i očekivat će strogo izvršavanje članaka sadržanih u njemu. & rdquo Zatim je detaljnije odredio što vjernost ovoj komisiji podrazumijeva: stanovnici Nove Engleske moraju & ldquofollowiti Mihein savjet, činiti pravedno, voljeti milosrđe, ponizno hodati s našim Bogom. U tu svrhu moramo biti povezani u ovom poslu kao jedan čovjek, moramo se zabavljati jedni s drugima u bratskoj naklonosti, moramo biti spremni smanjiti svoje suvišne potrebe za opskrbu tuđim potrepštinama. & Rdquo Ali to je blizu kraja govor koji je skovao izraz koji se iznova i iznova (posljednji put predsjednik Ronald Reagan) pozivao na izražavanje ideje o providnosti i sudbini Amerike & rsquos. Ako smo vjerni svom poslanju, ldquowe će otkriti da je Izraelov Bog među nama, kada će nas deseci moći odoljeti tisuću naših neprijatelja, kada će nam napraviti hvalu i slavu, to će ljudi reći sljedećih nasada: gospodar neka bude poput Nove Engleske, jer moramo uzeti u obzir da ćemo biti kao Grad na brdu, oči svih ljudi uperene u nas. & rdquo

U desetljećima nakon govora Winthropa & rsquosa većina proroka Nove Engleske manje je propovijedala o božanskoj misiji Nove Engleske, nego ih duboko prozivala, jadikovala & mdashJeremiads, kasniji povjesničari su ih nazvali & mdashabout koliko su Novoengleski pali od ispunjenja zahtjeva svog Saveza s Bogom i koliko su svi jadi i previranja koja su ih zadesila & mdashPrinc Phillip & rsquos rat, gubitak New England & rsquos povelje, fenomen čarobnjaštva, suše i užasne zime itd. & mdash bili su znakovi i rezultat Božijeg gnjeva zbog njihovih propusta. Međutim, usred onoga što se kasnije počelo nazivati ​​& ldquothe Veliko buđenje & rdquo (ali se u to vrijeme smatralo izvanrednim izljevom Božije & spasonosne milosti) koje se 1740-ih proširilo po Novoj Engleskoj i drugim britanskim kolonijama da je Bog odabrao Ameriku za posebnu sudbinu uskrsnuo je u novom obliku. Usred Buđenja, velikog teologa i preporoditelja iz Nove Engleske, Jonathan Edwards napisao je da & ldquothe kasna slava & rdquo ukratko, tisućljeće, & ldquoend vrijeme & rdquo koje će donijeti drugi Kristov dolazak na zemlju i širenje Kralja Božjeg svijetu, započeo bi u Americi. & ldquoNije vjerojatno da je to djelo Boga & rsquos duha [oživljavanja] tako izvanredno i divno, "ustvrdio je Edwards," ldquois je zora, ili barem uvod u to slavno Božje djelo, tako često predviđeno u Svetom pismu, koje je u tijeku i njegovo pitanje, obnovit će svijet čovječanstva. & rdquo

Vodeći propovjednici Drugog velikog buđenja koji su zahvatili Sjedinjene Države tijekom većeg dijela prve polovice devetnaestog stoljeća, poput Lymana Beechera (oca Harriet Beecher Stowe i Henryja Warda Beechera) i Charlesa Grandisona Finneyja, ponovili su tvrdnju da će Amerika biti mjesto tisućljeća i da je Buđenje bio njegov siguran znak. Oni su, međutim, svojoj ideji o tisućljeću dali poseban američki obrat. Kao što je Winthrop povezivao ideju providerske misije Nove Engleske s karakterom kršćanske zajednice koju su trebali uspostaviti, tako su i milenijalci poput Beechera opisali društvo koje će donijeti tisućljeće kao američku republiku, povezujući tako dolazak tisućljeća s širenjem i trijumfom američke slobode i demokracije. U svom traktatu iz 1832. Molba za Zapad, Beecher je izjavio da je isprva mislio da je Edwards & rsquo predviđanje & ldquochimerical, & rdquo, ali sada je pomislio da & ldquoall providencijalni razvoj od tada, kao i svi postojeći znakovi tog vremena, to potvrđuju. Ali ako je maršem revolucije i građanske slobode potrebno pripremiti Gospodinov put, gdje će se naći središnja energija i iz koje će nacije obnoviteljska moć ići dalje? & Rdquo Beecher & rsquos odgovor je bio jasan: ovo nacija je, po Božjoj providnosti, odeodređena da vodi u moralnoj i političkoj emancipaciji svijeta. & rdquo Odnos između Boga i nacije, u ovoj milenijalističkoj formulaciji, suptilan je i pomalo dvosmislen. Fuzija između Božje volje i demokratskog karaktera nacije daje božansku sankciju sekularnim uređenjima slobode i demokracije Sjedinjenih Država. U isto vrijeme, sama nacija postaje instrument u dolasku tisućljeća. Štoviše, osobito u situacijama sukoba, tvrdnja da je Bog bio na jednoj strani često je uključivala demoniziranje neprijatelja. Za Beechera, demonski neprijatelj ili & ldquoother & rdquo bio je rimokatolička zavjera za širenje & ldquoromanizma & rdquo po američkom zapadu.

Međutim, Mormoni su dali potpuni izraz ideji o Americi kao mjestu tisućljeća. Proročanstva i Mormonova knjiga dostavljeni Josephu Smithu i njegovoj kasnijoj organizaciji Mormonske crkve označili su početak & ldquotkrajnjih vremena & rdquo kao formalni naziv nove religije & ldquoCrkva Isusa Krista svetaca posljednjih dana & rdquo nedvojbeno jasno daje do znanja. Nakon nasilnog progona u Ohiu, Missouriju i Illinoisu, Brigham Young je odveo mormone u divljinu Utaha i tamo uspostavio novi grad na brdu, novi Sion koji je, kako je to rekao Conrad Cherry, rekao da je Sveti grad u pustinji [to] je za Young bilo mjesto okupljanja svetaca s kojih bi zračili utjecajima koji bi cijeli američki kontinent, a na kraju i svijet pretvorili u Boga & rsquos Sion. & rdquo

Ideja da je Bog odabrao britanske kolonije za posebnu sudbinu doživjela je veliku promjenu s Američkom revolucijom i uspostavom Sjedinjenih Država kao nove i jedinstvene, neovisne nacije, Novus Ordo Seclorum& mdasha novi svjetovni poredak. Svećenstvo, osobito kalvinističko svećenstvo Nove Engleske, bilo je uvelike patriotsko svećenstvo koje je vjerojatno imalo veću ulogu u mobilizaciji potpore revoluciji od nebrojenih anti-britanskih brošura nastalih između 1765. i 1776. Uglavnom, njihovo zagovaranje patriotski cilj izliven je u poznatom obliku Jeremiada: propovijedi su inzistirale na tome da je Bog posjetio nepravde i tiranije koje su Parlament i Kruna upotrijebili za & ldquoreduce & rdquo koloniste u & ldquoslavery & rdquo zbog užasne grešnosti u koju su upali. Bog je tražio pokajanje i novu vjernost u & ldquothe svetom cilju slobode. & Rdquo Do 1789., donošenjem Ustava i inauguracijom Georgea Washingtona za predsjednika, sama nova nacija dobila je posebno značenje i poslanje. Amerikanci nisu smatrali da je njihova nova nacija samo još jedna nacija među narodima, već providnosno blagoslovljen entitet zadužen da se razvija i održava kao svjetionik slobode i demokracije u svijetu.

Kao što je poznato, ne samo da su Sjedinjene Američke Države bile izrazito raznolike, već je njezin novi Ustav, prvim amandmanom na Zakon o pravima, također uspostavio jasno odvajanje crkve i države, izričito zabranjujući instituciju uspostavljene Crkve. Formalno je to bila sekularna nacija, mada je u isto vrijeme bila duboko religiozno društvo podržano Božanskom voljom, od čijih se građana očekivalo da se s vjerskom predanošću pretplate na njegove osnivače. Ustvari, ono što se pojavilo bilo je sakralizirano shvaćanje nove nacije i razvoj onoga što su različiti znanstvenici nazvali moćnom i ldquoGrađanskom religijom, & rdquo posebnim oblikom kulturnog nacionalizma kojem su svi & ldquotrue & rdquo Amerikanci, bili oni domaći ili useljenici, bez obzira na njihovu osobnu vjeru vjerovanja i pripadnosti, očekivalo se da će se pridržavati. U tom se smislu Sjedinjene Države mogu smatrati "ldquocreedal" rdquo društvom, manje ujedinjenim zemljopisnim granicama koje su se neprestano pomicale, a više skupom određenih doktrina upisanih u Deklaraciji neovisnosti i Ustavu, kojima su odani svi građani nacije. Novu demokratsku republiku, proglašenu jedinstvenom, Bog je zaredio i obdario je posebnom misijom da bude nova ldquocity na brdu & rdquo koja će zasvijetliti svjetionik slobode na svijetu & mdashand, ponekad, ako se smatra potrebnim, za širenje svog oblika demokracije silom oružja u druge dijelove svijeta. Ubrzo su revolucionarni vođe, osobito George Washington i Thomas Jefferson, uzdignuti u očeve utemeljitelje, a Deklaracija i Ustav pretvoreni su u gotovo svete relikvije. Bitno za priču, naravno, bila je apoteoza & ldquothe bogolikog & rdquo Washingtona u američkog Mojsija koji je izveo svoj narod iz ropstva u zemlju slobode. Tako je nastala nova nacija i, donekle, njeni ljudi, & ldquochosen. & Rdquo & ldquoDok su tako poznati jezik kao & lsquomromized land & rsquo i & lsquocity na brdu & rsquo samo biblijske aluzije, & rdquo kako je to rekao vjerski povjesničar John Wilson, lik ili slika uokviruje i postavlja njihov pravi sadržaj, tip je Izraela kao izabranog Boga. Tako očito sekularizirani izrazi [ovih izraza] imaju dublju rezonanciju koja vrlo precizno locira podrijetlo američke misije čak i kad nisu eksplicitno razrađeni. & Rdquo

Takvi su osnovni obrisi ideje Amerike i rsquosa i ldquochosenisa & rdquo i providonosne sudbine i misije koji ne samo da potkrijepljuju pozivanje nacije & rsquos & ldquoManifest Destiny & rdquo kao obrazloženje za širenje Sjedinjenih Država do Tihog oceana. To je također konstelacija ideja koja je do danas informirala američki nacionalizam i njegovo djelovanje u zemlji i inozemstvu. Kao što je navedeno, izričito se njime koristilo za opravdanje Španjolsko -američkog rata i njegovih pratećih imperijalističkih ciljeva. Predsjednik Woodrow Wilson pozvao ga je na to da pozove Amerikance da se bore za stvaranje svijeta & ldquosigurnim za demokraciju, & rdquo kao i predsjednik Franklin Roosevelt, kada je u Drugom svjetskom ratu okupio američku javnost iza rata protiv fašističkih i nacističkih Europljana i imperijalnog Japana. Bio je to i oslonac Hladnog rata: zapravo je izraz & ldquounder God & rdquo dodan u Zakletvu vjernosti tek 1954. na vrhuncu Hladnog rata. Osjećaj američke jedinstvenosti i misije također potkrijepljuje uvodno obraćanje Johna F. Kennedyja & rsquosa. A predsjednik George W. Bush, smatrajući sebe agentom božanske volje, branio je svoju politiku u Iraku pozivajući se na ideju da je dužnost i sudbina Amerike da osvoje terorizam i osiguraju demokraciju za Irak i pomognu mu u širenju na druge nacije Bliskog istoka.

Ne čudi međutim da je Abrahamu Lincolnu preostalo da pruži najsloženiju, ali ipak jasnu izjavu o ideji da Amerika ima svetu dužnost prema sebi i prema svijetu za očuvanje i zaštitu slobode i demokracije. 1837., kao mladić od 28 godina, Lincoln je dao adresu Springfieldu, Illinois Lyceum. Bilo je to vrijeme velikih društvenih i političkih previranja. Illinois je bio prepun nasilja po pitanju ukidanja ropstva. U Altonu u Illinoisu, rulja koja se borila protiv abolicije, nedavno je ubila urednika abolicije, Elijaha Lovejoya, uništila mu tiskaru i spalila ured i kuću. U ovoj atmosferi intenzivnih političkih sukoba, Lincoln je iskoristio svoje obraćanje u Liceju kako bi pozvao svoje kolege iz Ilinoisa (i Amerikance) da se okrenu temeljnim demokratskim i liberalnim načelima američkog nacionalnog vjeroispovijesti, američke građanske religije, prigrle ih i drže ih se duboko koliko su držali svoju privatnost. vjerska uvjerenja. Samo je takva zajednička nacionalna vjera, tvrdio je, mogla pružiti stvarne i trajne temelje koji bi držali na okupu raznovrsnu, raznoliku i sukobima zahvaćenu naciju.

Tijekom građanskog rata Lincoln je smatrao da su ta uvjerenja oštro osporena i istodobno im je dao njihov najrječitiji i najsnažniji izraz. Lincoln je uvijek pomno čuvao svoju potragu i često skeptičnu duhovnost, ali kako je rat nemilosrdno trajao, njegova uvjerenja i govori nisu poprimili sektaški, već duboko starozavjetni ton. Kadencija i riječi njegova Gettysburškog obraćanja naglašavaju njegovu poruku: Unija, & ldquotposljednja najbolja nada zemlje, & rdquo se borila za svetu stvar slobode. & ldquoTo je za žive, & rdquo je izjavio, & ldquoda budemo ovdje posvećeni velikom zadatku koji je pred nama & mdash da od ovih časnih mrtvih uzimamo povećanu predanost onom cilju zbog kojeg su dali posljednju pravu mjeru predanosti. . . da će ovaj narod pod Bogom imati novo rođenje slobode. . . i ta vladavina naroda, od strane naroda i za narod neće nestati sa zemlje. & rdquo

U svom kratkom drugom inauguracijskom obraćanju, održanom samo šest tjedana prije atentata, Lincoln je istražio odnos između američke slobode i Božanske volje. Znao je da su narodi često, ako ne i uvijek, tražili Boga ili Bogove za svoju stranu. Dakle, priznajući da je ldquone bilo koja strana očekivala za rat veličinu ili trajanje koje je već postigla, & rdquo Lincoln se osvrnuo na činjenicu da su i Sjever i Jug zazivali Boga kao svog partizana: & ldquoOboje su čitali istu Bibliju i molili se istom Bogu, i svaki zaziva Njegovu pomoć jedni protiv drugih. & rdquo No, on je nedvojbeno jasno rekao da, iako nije i nije mogao doista poznavati Boga & rsquos Volju, znao je da Bog namjerava okončati ropstvo, bez obzira na to što je potrebno. Lincoln se snažno pozvao na Jeremiadovu viziju svemoćnog i duboko uvrijeđenog Boga koji će vladati i ldquowoe & rdquo na njima od strane ljudi putem & lsquowhoma do kojeg će doći uvrede. & Rsquo & ldquoAko pretpostavljamo da je američko ropstvo jedan od tih prekršaja, & rdquo je izjavio, & ldquowhich Božja providnost mora doći, ali koju, nakon što je nastavio kroz vrijeme koje je odredio, On sada želi ukloniti i da Sjeveru i Jugu daje ovaj strašni rat kao jad onima zbog kojih je došlo do uvrede, u tome razabiremo bilo kakvo odstupanje od onih božanskih svojstava koja Mu vjernici u živoga Boga pripisuju? & rdquo & ldquoNaravno da se nadamo, žarko se molimo, "nastavio je Lincoln," ldquot da bi ova moćna ratna pošast mogla brzo proći. Pa ipak, ako Bog želi da se to nastavi sve dok svo bogatstvo koje je nakupio obveznik & rsquos dvjesto pedeset godina neuzvraćenog truda potone, i dok svaka kap krvi iscrtana trepavicom ne bude plaćena od strane drugog izvučenog mačem, rečeno je ,. . . so still it must be said &lsquothe judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.&rsquo&rdquo Here it all is: the idea that the United States represents &ldquothe last best hope&rdquo that&mdashthe belief that an all powerful, not fully comprehendible God, governs the affairs of humankind, and that this God held the whole nation, not just the South, accountable for the existence of slavery in its midst, for the violation of its appointed mission. Finally, unlike most proponents of the idea that &ldquoAmerica is a nation called to a special destiny by God,&rdquo he refrains from claiming God as the agent of Northern victory, even though as the second inaugural makes clear he had come to believe the Almighty was the ultimate agent of &ldquothe mighty scourge of war&rdquo that He had visited upon the nation for the sin of slavery.

Vodeća studentska rasprava

At first glance, it may seem rather difficult to engage students in a discussion of religion and Manifest Destiny. I usually do not like to start with contemporary issues and perspectives or with the students&rsquo beliefs, but on this topic I have found it to be effective. Teaching strategies will obviously depend on the particular composition of your classes. In a classroom in Queens, New York (the most diverse political jurisdiction in the country) well over half its students or their parents are likely to be born outside of the United States and at least half will adhere to faiths other than Christianity. Clearly a very different student population than a teacher in Troy, Ohio, for example, might face. Perhaps the best initial strategy is to open up the issues the topic raises: questions of nationalism and cultural unity questions of the relationship between belief in an all powerful, superintending God and the actions of nations questions of what happens when nations claim an expansive mission and justify this with a claim to Divine favor?

You might begin by asking your students if they think that the various peoples of the United States with all their ethnic, religious, and racial diversity subscribe to anything that might be called &ldquoa common faith&rdquo and what beliefs it consists of and how it operates as a faith, does it seem to require some kind of belief in God. You could ask how many of them participate in various rituals of America&rsquos supposed Civil Religion, e.g. Fourth of July, Memorial Day, the Pledge of Allegiance. At this point a particularly astute student might point out that the stars and stripes of the flag only refer to the original 13 and the present 50 states of the union and that the flag doesn&rsquot seem to have any religious references at all. Do they consider the United States to be unique in its basic values of liberty and democracy and to have a &ldquomission&rdquo to preserve and promote them? Do many or any of them believe that God does play a role in the action and fate of nations? What have been various consequences when the United States (and other nations) claims a special providence and mission from God?

This discussion should lead into a more historically oriented discussion that can best be conducted through the use of key primary documents. Winthrop&rsquos speech on the Arbella, the Declaration of Independence, and Lincoln&rsquos Gettysburg Address and his second inaugural address work especially well. Conrad Cherry, God&rsquos New Israel: Religious Interpretations of American Destiny, is a superb anthology with three centuries of primary documents on religious interpretations of American destiny. The introductions to the various sections and documents are also especially helpful.

The vast scholarly literature that bears on this subject is less a debate than a range of works on different periods and from different disciplines and perspectives. An indispensable source and the best place to begin is Conrad Cherry, God&rsquos New Israel: Religious Interpretations of American Destiny (1998.). On Manifest Destiny itself, two older books, Albert K. Weinberg, Manifest Destiny (1958) and Frederick Merk, Manifest Destiny and Mission in America (1963) remain useful. But see also Sam Haynes and Christopher Morris, eds. Manifest Destiny and Empire (1977.). Perry Miller, Errand into the Wilderness (1956) remains an essential source for the Puritan sense of mission. The concept of &ldquoCivil Religion&rdquo was introduced into American scholarship by Robert N. Bellah, &ldquoCivil Religion in America,&rdquo Daedalus, Winter 1967. Sidney E. Mead, &ldquoThe Nation With the Soul of a Church,&rdquo Povijest crkve, Sept. 1967, is a beautifully written and illuminating article. See also John Wilson, Public Religion in American Culture (1979) and Martin Marty, ed. Civil Religion, Church and State (1992.). See also Nathan Hatch, The Sacred Cause of Liberty: Republican Thought and the Millennium in Revolutionary New England (1977) Earnest Lee Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America&rsquos Millennial Role (1968) and H. Richard Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America (1959). On particular topics, Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (1985) and James H. Moorhead, Yankee Protestants and the Civil War, 1860-1869 (1979), are particularly useful.

Donald Scott was a Fellow at the National Humanities Center in 1985-86. He has taught at the University of Chicago, North Carolina State University, Brown University, the New School, and is currently Dean of Social Science and Professor of History at Queens College / City University of New York. On je autor knjige From Office to Profession: The New England Ministry, 1750-1850 (1978) America's Families: A Documentary History (1982, with Bernard Wishy) The Pursuit of Liberty (1996, with R. J. Wilson, et al.) and he is the co-editor of The Mythmaking Frame of Mind: Social Imagination and American Culture (1993.). He is currently at work on a book entitled Theatres of the Mind: Knowledge and Democracy in 19th-Century America.

Address comments or questions to Professor Scott through TeacherServe &ldquoComments and Questions.&rdquo


James K. Polk

Bill passed when the United States acquired the Oregon Territory, one of the driving goals of Polk's presidency.

James K. Polk, President of the United States 1845-1849.

While Andrew Jackson was an expansionist and his Indian Removal Act was incredibly influential in fulfilling the Manifest Destiny, it was his protege, Democratic president James K. Polk, who built his campaign around this idea of Manifest Destiny. Not only was Polk concerned over acquiring the Oregon territory (his camapaign slogan "54'40 or fight" made it clear that he was a proponent of Manifest Destiny), but he was also crucial in acquiring Texas, igniting an easily-won war with Mexico that gave the United States not only Texas with their preferred borders, but also much more territory in the Southwest, including Arizona and California. By 1849, around the same time as Polk's death, the Manifest Destiny was near complete and the United States of America controlled land from sea to shining sea.


What is Manifest Destiny? The Controversial History of Westward Expansion

The White House Twitter page quoted President Trump's Fourth of July speech at Mount Rushmore in a tweet that said: "Americans are the people who pursued our Manifest Destiny across the ocean, into the uncharted wilderness, over the tallest mountains, and then into the skies and even into the stars."

Manifest Destiny is a philosophy that originated in the 19th century. It is the idea that the U.S. is destined to expand its territories and ideals across the North American continent, and that the country has the God-given right to do so.

"Americans are the people who pursued our Manifest Destiny across the ocean, into the uncharted wilderness, over the tallest mountains, and then into the skies and even into the stars." pic.twitter.com/AYCgAC5oN0

&mdash The White House (@WhiteHouse) July 7, 2020

The term "Manifest Destiny" was coined in 1845 by magazine editor John L. O'Sullivan, who wrote about the annexing of Texas and the supposed inevitability of American expansion.

Manifest Destiny was used to validate the Westward Expansion and the acquisition of Oregon, Texas, New Mexico, and California before the Civil War and was used to justify the removal of Native American people from their land.

However, the concept of Manifest Destiny existed before it had a name, which can be seen in the history of Westward Expansion. The Westward Expansion began with the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, which nearly doubled the size of the U.S., and was continued with the Florida Purchase Treaty in 1819.

President James Monroe used the concept of Manifest Destiny to warn European countries against interfering in the Westward Expansion of the U.S., declaring that any attempt by Europe to colonize America would be seen as an act of war.

In 1846, James K. Polk's administration negotiated the Oregon Treaty with Great Britain, which divided the territory between the U.S. and Canada.

In 1848, the Mexican-American war ended and the U.S. acquired 525,000 square miles of territory, including all or parts of what is now California, Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, and Wyoming. The Wilmot Proviso was designed to eliminate slavery within this new territory.

The acquisition of more land exacerbated tensions between slaveowners and abolitionists, as the North and South states had to decide whether the newly-acquired territories would be slave states or free states&mdashthis conflict eventually resulted in the American Civil War.

The idea of Manifest Destiny was revived with the purchase of Alaska in 1867 and gained popularity again in U.S. foreign policy in the 1890s. The Spanish-American War occurred in 1898, with the U.S. acquiring Puerto Rico as a territory, as well as the Philippines, which was a Spanish colony at the time.

The Westward Expansion worsened the conflict between the white settlers and Native Americans, Hispanic people, and other non-European occupants of the territories.

A little after Trump mentioned Manifest Destiny in his speech, he said: "We are the culture that put up the Hoover Dam, laid down the highways, and sculpted the skyline of Manhattan.

"We are the people who dreamed a spectacular dream&mdashit was called: Las Vegas, in the Nevada desert who built up Miami from the Florida marsh and who carved our heroes into the face of Mount Rushmore."

Trump's speech taking place at Mount Rushmore was controversial, with leaders of two tribes of the Sioux Nation speaking out against it, but using the term Manifest Destiny at Mount Rushmore made it even more so considering how the concept was used to justify the removal of Native Americans.

The faces of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt, and Abraham Lincoln were carved into the Black Hills &mdashan area considered sacred by the Sioux people&mdashby Gutzon Borglum, a Ku Klux Klan-linked artist, in 1941.

The president of the Oglala Sioux tribal council, Julian Bear Runner, said that Trump's Fourth of July celebration will cause an "uproar." Bear Runner cited an increase in coronavirus cases and a lack of resources as reasons why Trump's Fourth of July event should not take place at Mount Rushmore.

But Bear Runner also said: "The lands on which that mountain is carved and the lands he's about to visit belong to the Great Sioux Nation under a treaty signed in 1851 and the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 and I have to tell him he doesn't have permission from its original sovereign owners to enter the territory at this time."

The land was given to Native Americans after the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 was signed, but following the discovery of gold, the federal government reclaimed the land in 1874.

The chair of the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe in South Dakota, Harold Frazier, called for the removal of the Mount Rushmore monument and even offered to remove it himself, saying in a statement: "Nothing stands as a greater reminder to the Great Sioux Nation of a country that cannot keep a promise or treaty than the faces carved into our sacred land on what the United States calls Mount Rushmore.

"This brand on our flesh needs to be removed and I am willing to do it free of charge to the United States by myself if I must."

But the Manifest Destiny philosophy still seems to be favored by Trump, as later in his speech, the president said: "Americans harnessed electricity, split the atom, and gave the world the telephone and the Internet.

"We settled the Wild West, won two World Wars, landed American astronauts on the Moon&mdashand one day very soon, we will plant our flag on Mars."


Origin of the Manifest Destiny Phrase

John O’Sullivan- Editor of the Democratic Review Newspaper (c.1845)

During the mid-19th century, John O’ Sullivan (an editor of the Democratic Review and the New York Morning Review newspapers) became the first man to coin the concept of “Manifest Destiny” – the strong belief that the U.S.A. was blessed by God to be a superior power that had to expand throughout North America- and even march into areas on the Pacific. In other words, he had coined a term for the Continental Expansionism. Some historians have argued that, the concept was a direct proposition for the extermination of American Indians.

From one point of view, “Manifest Destiny” appeared as a new term. But deep beneath historical facts, its underlying ideas of colonialism and subjugation were as old as Methuselah.


The Annexation of Texas

When Mexico gained its independence from Spain, Texas was a sparsely settled frontier province bordering the United States. Texas, explored by the Spanish as early as the 1500s, was largely neglected in the centuries that followed. Only a few thousand Mexicans—known as Tejanos—lived in the province by the early 1820s, most of them clustered around the mission at San Antonio. The Mexican government encouraged Americans to emigrate to Texas in an effort to create a military buffer between marauding Indians and the more southern provinces. The Americans were required to give up their citizenship, convert to Roman Catholicism, and become Mexican citizens. In return, they were granted huge tracts of land in the region bordering Louisiana, along the Sabine, Colorado, and Brazos Rivers.

The first American empresario was Moses Austin, a former New Englander who had traded with the Spanish for decades. Austin was granted 18,000 square miles, with the understanding that he would settle 300 American families on his lands. His son, Stephen F. Austin, had the grant confirmed by Mexican authorities after his father’s death, and by the mid-1830s there were about 30,000 Americans ranching and growing cotton with the aid of several thousand black slaves. Despite the fact that the Mexican government had abolished slavery, Americans continued to emigrate with their “lifetime indentured servants.” The Americans in Texas greatly outnumbered the native Mexicans, and they sought full statehood for the province in order to gain home rule.

The American-born Texans supported Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna for the presidency of Mexico in 1833, because they believed he would support statehood. But after his election, Santa Anna proclaimed a unified central government that eliminated states’ rights. The Texans, with some Tejano allies, revolted against Santa Anna’s dictatorship. The revolutionaries declared their independence on March 2, 1836, and adopted a constitution legalizing slavery. David G. Burnet, a native of New Jersey who had lived with the Comanches for two years, was chosen president of the new republic. Sam Houston, a former Tennessee congressman and governor who fought under Andrew Jackson during the War of 1812, was selected as Commander-in-Chief of the army.

The Mexican government responded swiftly to put down the Texas rebellion. Santa Anna raised a force of about 6,000 troops, and marched north to besiege the nearly 200 rebels under the command of Colonel William B. Travis at the Alamo, the abandoned mission at San Antonio. The final assault was made on March 6, and the entire garrison was annihilated, including the wounded. Among the dead were frontier legends Davy Crockett and Jim Bowie. A few weeks later at Goliad, Santa Anna ordered the slaughter of 300 Texas rebels after they surrendered.

The Texas Revolution struck a sympathetic chord in America. Hundreds of southwestern adventurers responded to the romanticized heroism of the Alamo and promises of bounty lands. Ignoring American neutrality laws, they rushed to join the Texas army. With fewer than 900 men—about half the size of Santa Anna’s force—General Houston surprised the Mexicans at the San Jacinto River, near the site of the city that bears his name. “Remember the Alamo!” and “Goliad!” were the rallying cries of the Texans as they overwhelmed the veteran Mexican army.

Santa Anna was captured after the Battle of San Jacinto and forced to sign a treaty recognizing Texas as an independent republic, with the Rio Grande River as its southwestern boundary. Upon his return to Mexico City, Santa Anna repudiated the peace treaty. The Mexican Congress likewise refused to acknowledge the independence of Texas, and continued to claim the Nueces River as the boundary of its “rebellious province.” Mexico warned of war should the United States attempt to annex Texas.

Following the revolution, Sam Houston was elected president of Texas, and diplomatic envoys were sent to Washington seeking admission to the Union. President Andrew Jackson, concerned that the annexation of Texas might mean war with Mexico and knowing it would upset the sectional balance between free and slave states, merely extended diplomatic recognition to the new republic on March 3, 1837. His immediate successor in the White House, Martin Van Buren, also managed to sidestep the question of annexation.

President Van Buren was defeated for re-election by William Henry Harrison in the famous “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too” campaign of 1840. Tyler was a former Democratic senator from Virginia who resigned his seat rather than vote to expunge a resolution of censure directed against Jackson. This made him an attractive running-mate for Harrison, but it did not make him a Whig in principle. Harrison became the first president to die in office (only a month after his inauguration) and President Tyler soon broke with the Whigs over two key issues—the constitutionality of a national bank and the annexation of Texas.

Tyler selected South Carolinian John C. Calhoun as secretary of state, and instructed him to negotiate a treaty of annexation with the Texas envoys in Washington. Expansionists feared that an independent Texas would blunt America’s march into the southwest. Calhoun subsequently submitted a treaty to the Senate, but also made public his correspondence with the British minister, Richard Pakenham. In his letter, Calhoun chastised British officials for pressuring the Texans to abolish slavery in return for Mexican recognition of their independence. The Republic of Texas had established close diplomatic ties with several European nations, including Britain and France, in an effort to protect itself from Mexico. After defending slavery as a benign institution, Calhoun claimed that the preservation of the Union required the annexation of Texas. By linking the expansion of slavery with the admission of Texas, Calhoun doomed the annexation treaty.

The annexation of Texas and the Oregon boundary dispute were major issues during the election of 1844. While President Tyler was plotting to annex Texas, the leading contenders for the presidential nominations of the Democratic and Whig Parties did their best to defuse the explosive controversy. Former president Martin Van Buren and Henry Clay published letters expressing their opposition to the immediate annexation of Texas. Their anti-expansionist views cost Van Buren the Democratic nomination, and Clay the presidency.

Manifest Destiny was so strong among northwestern and southern Democrats, that the party’s national convention nominated James Knox Polk of Tennessee for president. “Young Hickory” ran on a platform calling for the “re-annexation of Texas” and the “re-occupation of Oregon.” Clay received the Whig nomination by acclamation, but westerners remembered his Texas letter and some northeasterners refused to support a slaveholder. James G. Birney, the candidate of the Liberty Party, polled enough Whig support in New York to swing that state’s electoral vote to Polk, who was elected president.

President Tyler viewed the Democratic victory as a mandate to annex Texas. Recognizing the difficulty of securing the two-thirds Senate vote necessary to ratify a treaty, Tyler hit upon an ingenious ploy. He sought a joint resolution of annexation from Congress that required a simple majority in each house. This was accomplished shortly before Tyler left office. After a state convention agreed to annexation on the Fourth of July, Texas was formally admitted to the Union in December 1845. President Polk, meanwhile, ordered General Zachary Taylor and about half of the United States army—some 3,500 men—to take up a defensive position on the Nueces River.


The Western Frontier

As the nation expanded westward, settlers were motivated by opportunities to farm the land or “make it rich” through cattle or gold.

Ciljevi učenja

Describe the conditions common in western frontier towns

Ključni za poneti

Ključne točke

  • While the motivation for private profit dominated much of the movement westward, the federal government played a supporting role in securing land and maintaining law and order.
  • The rigors of life in the West presented many challenges to homesteaders, such as dry and barren land, droughts, insect swarms, shortages of materials, and lost crops.
  • Although homestead farming was the primary goal of most western settlers in the latter half of the 19th century, a small minority sought to make fortunes quickly through other means, such as gold or cattle.
  • The American West became notorious for its hard mining towns, such as Deadwood, South Dakota and Tombstone, Arizona, and entrepreneurs in these and other towns set up stores and businesses to cater to the miners.

Ključni uvjeti

  • Homesteading: A lifestyle of self-sufficiency characterized by subsistence agriculture and home preservation of foodstuffs it may or may not also involve the small-scale production of textiles, clothing, and craftwork for household use or sale.

Advanced Placement history nixes ‘racial superiority’ from Manifest Destiny

Right now, Advanced Placement United States History teachers are preparing about a half million high school students for an exam that could give them college credit and a leg up in university applications. But that test won’t be the same their predecessors took last year, or even the same as the one the year before. The College Board, which administers the course framework and exam , has changed the parameters for many important concepts and themes.

The course, widely adopted by high schools and taken by college-bound students, hasn’t been updated since 2006. The 2014 update, all things considered, didn’t go so well. The specific changes — to Manifest Destiny, World War II, Ronald Reagan and European settlement — inspired so much backlash that the College Board’s committee in charge of rewriting it, went back to the drawing board. In July, they released the final change that is a more “conceptual approach as opposed to specificity required for memorization,” says Maria Montoya, a New York University history professor that helped rewrite the framework.

Here’s how that change looks:

2014 version: “The idea of Manifest Destiny, which asserted U.S. power in the Western Hemisphere and supported U.S. expansion westward, was built on a belief in white racial superiority and a sense of American cultural superiority, and helped to shape the era’s political debates.”

2015 version: The movement west was due to “the desire for access to natural and mineral resources and the hope of many settlers for economic opportunities or religious refuge.” Advocates of annexing lands “argued that Manifest Destiny and the superiority of American institutions compelled the United States to expand its borders westward to the Pacific Ocean.”

But now a new set of critics are decrying the change. The College Board says A.P. history teachers widely accept the change, but the changes have become a political issue, especially the Manifest Destiny portion. Conservatives called the 2014 edition not patriotic enough critics, however, say the 2015 definition of Manifest Destiny ignores important racial connotations. Amy Greenberg, a historian at Penn State and the author of Manifest Destiny and American Territorial Expansion, worries the new definition will skew the understanding of a dangerous concept. Greenberg explains why these battles matter.

High Country News: How did Manifest Destiny play out in the American West?

Amy Greenberg: Manifest Destiny presented a certain vision of the American West of this so-called “virgin land.” It was an idea of the American West as open, free, unsettled territory that was čekajući for U.S. citizens to conquer and properly make use of. The whole idea of the American West — and the way we think about it today — emerges out of a vision of Manifest Destiny.

HCN: How has the perception of this concept evolved?

AG: The first uses of manifest destiny (in the 1830s) were propaganda from a very particular perspective: We need to go take these territories from the other nations because it’s our manifest destiny. God has basically proclaimed that it’s our destiny to take over because the United States had a lot to offer people in these areas. So, it’s not samo our manifest destiny to take that land, but it’s also our manifest destiny to bring the blessings of American civilization to areas that it doesn’t exist. It justifies land acquisition by asserting that America is exceptional, and we’re actually doing a favor to the people who live in these places. In the 1840s and ‘50s, the concept becomes very popular. You can see ordinary people writing letters talking about manifest destiny. In the 1950s and ‘60s, — this was during the Cold War — you had a whole strain of historians that were very invested in proving that the United States was essentially different from the Soviet Union. One way to do that is to say that because of Manifest Destiny, we naturally moved into contiguous territory, brought the blessing of democracy to the residents there. A lot of violence and war that was involved in this was completely obscured.

HCN: Did American exceptionalism impact how Native Americans were treated?

AG: There’s a great image by John Gast called “American Progress” from 1873 that really sums it up. If you look in the corner, you see Indians running away in fear because they’re afraid of this fantastic, scantily clad, flying white woman. She’s carrying the telegraph line, she has a book that is likely the Bible or a book or learning and you have all of the settlers just following her. This photo represents a justification of what I would argue for basically a series of wars against Indians. It’s not like anybody is even attacking these Indians. They are just running away. Even the dog is running away. But if you look at what zapravo happened during settlement of the West, those guys would be killing the Indians.

HCN: Some opponents say the new framework is a watered down version of history. Is that fair?

AG: It doesn’t strike me as watered down, so much as just totally different. There’s nothing factually wrong in the new version, but it’s really beside the point. The racial superiority and cultural superiority are more important and certainly helped shaped the era’s political beliefs and debates. Everyone wants economic opportunities and everyone wants natural resources, but that’s not essentially what [Manifest Destiny] is about.

HCN: What does it mean to have a more sterilized version at this moment in time?

AG: It seems like a step backwards in recognizing the role of race in American history. It makes Indians invisible. It’s really odd. This is the difference between what people say, and zašto they’re saying it. And I think the original definition gets more into why people were saying it, and the new framework of manifest destiny is staying more on the surface.

HCN: Why is an accurate understanding of Manifest Destiny important?

AG: The importance of understanding what Manifest Destiny was really about is realizing what roles things like racism have played in the past. What’s at stake is people’s ability to logically and realistically critique political discourse today. In other words, at the time of the Iraq war, people were using Manifest Destiny a lot, and mostly in a positive way. They were saying our manifest destiny is to bring democracy to these places. It’s very interesting and also troubling, because you see a slippage between the way in which the discourse of Manifest Destiny is justified and [the way it] allowed people to forget about things like killing all of the Indians. If you actually know what Manifest Destiny was and what it did, one would hope that you are more able to see the problems with that discourse today. Manifest Destiny is not this benign force. It’s an ideology that’s been mobilized in order to justify a lot of bad stuff.

HCN: How does a valorization of Manifest Destiny shape students’ understanding of history?

AG: I think this new framework is doing the students a disservice. It’s providing them with what I would say is a historically inaccurate view of what Manifest Destiny is. I wonder what those students are going to deal with when they get to college and take more advanced history classes that have a totally different framework. You’re going to have to look really hard to find a college professor who focuses on western expansion and manifest destiny that is going to agree with this framework.


John L. O’Sullivan on “Manifest Destiny”

The American people having derived their origin from many other nations, and the Declaration of National Independence being entirely based on the great principle of human equality, these facts demonstrate at once our disconnected position as regards any other nation that we have, in reality, but little connection with the past history of any of them, and still less with all antiquity, its glories, or its crimes. On the contrary, our national birth was the beginning of a new history, the formation and progress of an untried political system, which separates us from the past and connects us with the future only and so far as regards the entire development of the natural rights of man, in moral, political, and national life, we may confidently assume that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity.

It is so destined, because the principle upon which a nation is organized fixes its destiny, and that of equality is perfect, is universal. It presides in all the operations of the physical world, and it is also the conscious law of the soul — the self-evident dictates of morality, which accurately defines the duty of man to man, and consequently man’s rights as man. Besides, the truthful annals of any nation furnish abundant evidence, that its happiness, its greatness, its duration, were always proportionate to the democratic equality in its system of government. . . .

What friend of human liberty, civilization, and refinement, can cast his view over the past history of the monarchies and aristocracies of antiquity, and not deplore that they ever existed? What philanthropist can contemplate the oppressions, the cruelties, and injustice inflicted by them on the masses of mankind, and not turn with moral horror from the retrospect?

America is destined for better deeds. It is our unparalleled glory that we have no reminiscences of battle fields, but in defence of humanity, of the oppressed of all nations, of the rights of conscience, the rights of personal enfranchisement. Our annals describe no scenes of horrid carnage, where men were led on by hundreds of thousands to slay one another, dupes and victims to emperors, kings, nobles, demons in the human form called heroes. We have had patriots to defend our homes, our liberties, but no aspirants to crowns or thrones nor have the American people ever suffered themselves to be led on by wicked ambition to depopulate the land, to spread desolation far and wide, that a human being might be placed on a seat of supremacy.

We have no interest in the scenes of antiquity, only as lessons of avoidance of nearly all their examples. The expansive future is our arena, and for our history. We are entering on its untrodden space, with the truths of God in our minds, beneficent objects in our hearts, and with a clear conscience unsullied by the past. We are the nation of human progress, and who will, what can, set limits to our onward march? Providence is with us, and no earthly power can. We point to the everlasting truth on the first page of our national declaration, and we proclaim to the millions of other lands, that “the gates of hell” — the powers of aristocracy and monarchy — “shall not prevail against it.”

The far-reaching, the boundless future will be the era of American greatness. In its magnificent domain of space and time, the nation of many nations is destined to manifest to mankind the excellence of divine principles to establish on earth the noblest temple ever dedicated to the worship of the Most High — the Sacred and the True. Its floor shall be a hemisphere — its roof the firmament of the star-studded heavens, and its congregation an Union of many Republics, comprising hundreds of happy millions, calling, owning no man master, but governed by God’s natural and moral law of equality, the law of brotherhood — of “peace and good will amongst men.”. . .

Yes, we are the nation of progress, of individual freedom, of universal enfranchisement. Equality of rights is the cynosure of our union of States, the grand exemplar of the correlative equality of individuals and while truth sheds its effulgence, we cannot retrograde, without dissolving the one and subverting the other. We must onward to the fulfilment of our mission — to the entire development of the principle of our organization — freedom of conscience, freedom of person, freedom of trade and business pursuits, universality of freedom and equality. This is our high destiny, and in nature’s eternal, inevitable decree of cause and effect we must accomplish it. All this will be our future history, to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man — the immutable truth and beneficence of God. For this blessed mission to the nations of the world, which are shut out from the life-giving light of truth, has America been chosen and her high example shall smite unto death the tyranny of kings, hierarchs, and oligarchs, and carry the glad tidings of peace and good will where myriads now endure an existence scarcely more enviable than that of beasts of the field. Who, then, can doubt that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity?
Izvor


Manifest Destiny - History

Manifest Destiny
Digital History ID 362

In 1845, John L. O'Sullivan (1813-1895), editor of the Democratic Review, referred in his magazine to America's "manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions." The idea that America had a special destiny to stretch across the continent motivated many Americans to dream big dreams and migrate West. "We Americans," wrote the novelist Herman Melville, "are the peculiar, chosen people--the Israel of our time." Aggressive nationalists invoked manifest destiny to justify Indian removal, war with Mexico, and American expansion into Texas, California, the Pacific Northwest, Cuba, and Central America. More positively, the idea also inspired missionaries, farmers, and pioneers who dreamed only of transforming plains and fertile valleys into farms and small towns.


Dokument: The American people having derived their origin from many other nations, and the Declaration of National Independence being entirely based on the great principle of human equality, these facts demonstrate at once our disconnected position as regards any other nation that we have, in reality, but little connection with the past history of any of them, and still less with all antiquity, its glories, or its crimes. On the contrary, our national birth was the beginning of a new history, the formation and progress of an untried political system, which separates us from the past and connects us with the future only and so far as regards the entire development of the natural rights of man, in moral, political, and national life, we may confidently assume that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity.

It is so destined, because the principle upon which a nation is organized fixes its destiny, and that of equality is perfect, is universal. It presides in all the operations of the physical world, and it is also the conscious law of the soul -- the self-evident dictates of morality, which accurately defines the duty of man to man, and consequently man's rights as man. Besides, the truthful annals of any nation furnish abundant evidence, that its happiness, its greatness, its duration, were always proportionate to the democratic equality in its system of government. . . .

What friend of human liberty, civilization, and refinement, can cast his view over the past history of the monarchies and aristocracies of antiquity, and not deplore that they ever existed? What philanthropist can contemplate the oppressions, the cruelties, and injustice inflicted by them on the masses of mankind, and not turn with moral horror from the retrospect?

America is destined for better deeds. It is our unparalleled glory that we have no reminiscences of battle fields, but in defence of humanity, of the oppressed of all nations, of the rights of conscience, the rights of personal enfranchisement. Our annals describe no scenes of horrid carnage, where men were led on by hundreds of thousands to slay one another, dupes and victims to emperors, kings, nobles, demons in the human form called heroes. We have had patriots to defend our homes, our liberties, but no aspirants to crowns or thrones nor have the American people ever suffered themselves to be led on by wicked ambition to depopulate the land, to spread desolation far and wide, that a human being might be placed on a seat of supremacy.

We have no interest in the scenes of antiquity, only as lessons of avoidance of nearly all their examples. The expansive future is our arena, and for our history. We are entering on its untrodden space, with the truths of God in our minds, beneficent objects in our hearts, and with a clear conscience unsullied by the past. We are the nation of human progress, and who will, what can, set limits to our onward march? Providence is with us, and no earthly power can. We point to the everlasting truth on the first page of our national declaration, and we proclaim to the millions of other lands, that "the gates of hell" -- the powers of aristocracy and monarchy -- "shall not prevail against it."

The far-reaching, the boundless future will be the era of American greatness. In its magnificent domain of space and time, the nation of many nations is destined to manifest to mankind the excellence of divine principles to establish on earth the noblest temple ever dedicated to the worship of the Most High -- the Sacred and the True. Its floor shall be a hemisphere -- its roof the firmament of the star-studded heavens, and its congregation an Union of many Republics, comprising hundreds of happy millions, calling, owning no man master, but governed by God's natural and moral law of equality, the law of brotherhood -- of "peace and good will amongst men.". . .

Yes, we are the nation of progress, of individual freedom, of universal enfranchisement. Equality of rights is the cynosure of our union of States, the grand exemplar of the correlative equality of individuals and while truth sheds its effulgence, we cannot retrograde, without dissolving the one and subverting the other. We must onward to the fulfilment of our mission -- to the entire development of the principle of our organization -- freedom of conscience, freedom of person, freedom of trade and business pursuits, universality of freedom and equality. This is our high destiny, and in nature's eternal, inevitable decree of cause and effect we must accomplish it. All this will be our future history, to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man -- the immutable truth and beneficence of God. For this blessed mission to the nations of the world, which are shut out from the life-giving light of truth, has America been chosen and her high example shall smite unto death the tyranny of kings, hierarchs, and oligarchs, and carry the glad tidings of peace and good will where myriads now endure an existence scarcely more enviable than that of beasts of the field. Who, then, can doubt that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity?


Manifest Destiny

James K. Polk’s first State of the Union Address, on 2 December 1845, promoted the concept that the US should encompass all of North America.

James Polk was the first president to vocalise the concept that the US should stretch ‘from sea to shining sea’.

This concept of Manifest Destiny was not Polk’s own. The first use of the term has been credited to newspaper editor John O’Sullivan. It was embraced by the Democrats, who saw white Anglo-Saxon America as a civilising Christian influence with a rightful claim to the whole continent, regardless of the long histories of the native peoples or European powers they found there.

Under Polk, Manifest Destiny was put into action with the annexation of the nominally independent Texas and the ceding from Mexico of parts of nine states. Having announced this huge increase in the size of the US, which he rather bewilderingly referred to as a ‘bloodless achievement’, his address went on to assert ‘our title to the whole Oregon Territory’, which was followed by a claim that ‘The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States.’ This might have left the British a little baffled, but the aggressive stance did lead to them backing down and signing the Oregon Treaty the following year, dividing the whole territory along the 49th Parallel.

Polk ended with the battle cry of Manifest Destiny:

It is to the enterprise and perseverance of the hardy pioneers of the West, who penetrate the wilderness with their families, suffer the dangers, the privations, and hardships attending the settlement of a new country . that we are in a great degree indebted for the rapid extension and aggrandizement of our country.

But as tensions rose between slave and non-slaving owning states over who should control these vast new lands, Polk’s nationalism was sowing some of the first seeds of the Civil War.


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